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THE 



HISTORY 



OF 



North and South America, 



FROM ITS DISCOVERY 



TO THE 



Wtatfi of a5eneral J©a.^Jjin0t0rt. 



EY RICHARD SNOWDEN, Esq. 



IN TWO VOLUME> 
VOL. I. 



''^^fio 



'^mLADELPHIA . 
PUBLISHED BY BENJAMIN WARNER, 

AND rOR SALE AT HIS BOOKSTORES, IN PHII.ADEI.PHIA, AND 
RICHMOND, VIRGINIA. 



1818. 

Wm. Greer.,..priiit. 






DISTRICT or T7.SSSTLYASIA, io tVli -■ 

■BT. IT nEHEMP.r.nKD, That on the Iwelftli day of June, in the twentj-r 
ninth year of the Independence of the United States of America, Ai^ U: 
1805, Jacob Jouxsox, of the said district, hath deposited in this office, 
the title of a book, the rig-ht whereof he claims us proprietor, in the words 
following, to wit : 

'\The History of North and South America, from its Discovery to the 
"Death of General Washing-ton. By Richard Snowden, Esq.' In two 
" volumes. Vol. I." 

In conformity to the act of tlie Cong-ress of tlie U. States, cntituled, 
'': An act for the encourag'cnient of learning-, by seciu-ing- tlie copies of 
Maps, Charts, and Books, to the autliors and proprietors of such copies 
iiuring the times tlierein mentioned :" And also to tlic act, entitled, 
-L\n act supplementary to an act, entitled, *An act for il.e encourag-e- 
mentof learning-, by securhig the copies of MAps, Ciiarts, and Books, 
TO the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein 
nientioned,' and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing. 

"2,Tavii^.fr, and etching historical and other ])rints." 

(h. S.) D. CALDWELL, 

Clerk of llie diBtrict of rer.nsvlyania. 



PREFACE. 



ro tiinnsii liie public with a cheap history of Arneiica, froiu 
its discovery, to its present state of civilization and importance, 
is an undertaking of such general utility, that the attempt, if 
it even falls short of complete execution, has a claim to a con-* 
siderable share of indulgence. This is more especially the case;^ 
when the writer has to follow a historian of such great and just 
celebrity as Dr. Robertson, in at least one half of the work. 

To compose such a historical epitome as is desirable, from, 
scattered materials, is a difficulty of such magnitude, as wholly 
to discourage the attempt; and to abridge the pages of so great 
an original, where there is nothing superfluous, nothing the 
reader would wish omitted, is a design, which to many will 
seem to border on temerity. But this abridgement has been 
preferred, as it is attended with the least chance of disappoint- 
ment ; and to borrow is not dishonourable, when the obligation 
is candidly acknowledged. 

In what relates to South America, Dii. Robertson's history 
has, therefore, been implicitly followed. His arrangement of 
the subject, his chronological order, and his very style have 
been adopted, as the best that can be chosen. To condense his 
details, to introduce only the most prominent and characteristic 
events:, has been the principal effort, and invariable purpose of 
the epitomiser: endeavouring as he progressed, to preserve un- 
broken, the connexion and continuity of events; and in the 
whole, to present the reader with a brief, but interesting view, 
of one of the most important seras in the annals of the world. 

So far the writer travelled with pleasure : but, in tracing th& 
subsequent part, the history of North America, he has cause to 
regret with all his contemporaries, the absence of so pleasing 
and faithful a guide.. ..being obliged td collect materials from 



4 PREFACE. 

different sources, none of which are complete, of all the British 
settlements in north America, from their lirst landing to their 
final separation from the parent state; 

The settlement of these colonies heing made at different peri- 
ods, with charters of incorporation extremely variant, and 
"with governments as distinct as their geographical boundaries, 
jendered a history of the British empire in America, extremely 
complex and difficult. From this heterogeneous mass, however, 
the writer has endeavoured, with considerable labour, to educe 
a summary of those events that paved the way to the American 
Revolution ; and which will constitute the introduction to the 
future histories of the United States. 

In that portion of the work which succeeds the confederation 
of the colonies, and the consequent declaration of Indepen- 
dence, we set our feet on surer ground : we revive events that 
happened in our own memory; and of which there are faithful 
records within the reach of most of our readers. In treating ou 
this part of the subject, it is not a very easy task, wholly to 
avoid that collision of opinions which is inseparable from free 
governments, and which constitutes so great a part in the annals 
of United America. This, however difficult, the writer has 
endeavoured to avoid, confining himself, as much as possible, 
to a history of facts, and to those only that are of a national 
concern. His principal object has been to present his readers 
with a comprehensive view of the whole, without any respect to 
the polities of a single state or party ; and to excite, if possible, 
a zeal for the general welfare and honour of our common 
country. ...How tar he has succeeded in this, as well as other 
parts of the work, must be left to the candid reader; to whom 
it is now very respectfully submitted. 



CONTENTJ^ 



Oi? THE FIRST VOLUME. 



Page, 

Introduction to tlic discovery of America, - - ~ - '7 
Talents and perseverance of Columbus, . - , j - jb^ 
Columbus applies to several powers for means to sai^^o the west- 
ward, -.- - -' 

('olumbus sails from Palos. . . - . , . - 

Discovers land, one of the Bahama Islands, .... 

Columbus returns to Spain, .... ... 

Columbus proceeds on a second voyage, . . . . - 

Discovers one of tlie Leeward Islands, naming' it Deseada, 
Returns to Spain with g-reat treasures, ... . - 

Sails on his ibird voyag'e, 

Arrives at Trinidad, 

Mutiny of Roldan, - - 

Columbus sent to Spain in irons, - - - - - 

Ovando appointed g'overnor of Hispaniola, . . . - 
Columbus sails from Cadiz on his fourth voyag-e, and arrives off St. 

.# Domiu.^, 

Sails for Honduras, Yucatan, &c, - - - .. - . 
Shipwrecked on the coast of Cuba, ,....- 

Death of Columbus, 

Anacoana cruelly treated by Ovando, 

Balboa first discovers ibe great Pacific Ocean, - . . . 
Cortes- acconripanies Velasques to Cuba, . . - . . 

Cortes invades Mexico, -- 

Character of Montezuma, - 

Montezuma meets Cortes with great pomp, - . . , 

Montezuma made Prisoner, ~ - - - , - , 

Cortes gets entire possession of Mexico, 

Magellan sails from Seville for new discoveries-. 

Account of Pizarro, 

Conqiicst of Peru, . . . , 



CONTENTS 



OF THE SECOND VOLUME, 



Conjectures on peopling America, - - - - - ^y 

Character of the American Indians, ----.. 3 

State of the British colonies in 1763, - 1 - - - 26 

British parliament lay duties on goods imported into the colonies, 28 

The Americans unite In ^ non-importation a^cement, . , ib. 

A-2 



Vi. OOX'IRNTS. 

Fage. 

The slanip ac t passed, - - - - - - 29 

Assembly of" New York oi)pose an act of paiiiament, - - 31 

Violent tumult at Uostcii^ . - - - - 32 

Troops arrive at Boston, - - - - - 33 

Tea destroyed by the Bcstoniuiis, - ... 36 

The tirst CongTess meet at rhiladdphia, - - - 39 

Colonists prepare for war, - , • - - - 43 

.Uattle at Lcxing-ton, ..._., 45 

JJmikcr's UiU, . . . . . 46 

Articles of confederation, . . , . . 48 

Georg-e AN'ashinDlon appointed commander in chief, - - 53 

Gt neral Montg-c-nury proceeds against Canada, - - SI- 

^Norfolk, in \'irginia, burnt by the British, - - - - - 59 

'I'he Eritish evacuate Boston, - - - - - 60 

American declaration of Independence, - - - 61 

33ritisli armament sent against Charleston, 6S 

Battle on Long- Island, near Flatbush, - - - - 71 

at AVhite Plains, - - - - - 74 

General "Washington takes the Hessians prisoners, at Trenton, - 77 

Battle at Pnnceton. ...... 78 

Erand} wine, - - - - - - 80 

Cermantcwn, ----- . - . - 81 

Captm-e of Burg'oyne at Saratoga, ... ^. 87 
The British evacuate Philadelphia, ..... i>l 
Trench fleet arrives at Virg-inia, commanded by count D'Estaing", 92 
I\urfield, Xorwalk, and Greeuficld bnint by the British, - 98 
Stony point taken by General Wayne, - - - - ib. 
Tarleton defeated, - '- ~ .,- - - 101 
Arnold attempts to deliver West Point to theiSritish, - - 105 
Major Andre taken as a spy, - '^^" - - - . - 106 
Henry Laurens, Esq, taken by ,the British, on his passag-e to Holland, 108 
Battle of Guilford Court-House, . - .' . 109 
Engag-ement between the British and French fleets in the Chesa- 
peake, - - - . .* - - - - 114 
.Surrender of Cornwallls at York Town in Yirg-inia, - - 115 

Treaty of peace ratiiied, - - - 116 

Washir.g-ton takes leave of the avmy and of cong;ress, - 117 

Washington elected president of the Cnitcd States, - - 118 

His farewell address, - - .- - ^- - 120 



HISTORY OF AMEllICA. 



THE discovery of America has led to events unrivalled 
in modern history, and we cannot sufficiently admire that stea- 
dy unconquerable ri-.olution, that amazing force of mind which 
carried the first bold discoverer through all opposition, and over 
innumerable obstacles, to the ultimate end of his grand design. 
The intelligent reader \viil be agreeably entertained in following 
this skilful navigator, through unknown seas, in search of a 
New AYorld ; every little incident during the voyage v»'ill ap(5eai' 
of sufficient magnitude to fix the attention, and excite a strong 
sympathy with the adventurous chief, in all the various turns of 
his fortune. 

This first volume will contain what Dr. Robertson calls the 
most spletidid portion of the American story: he is undoubtedly 
right as far as it respects South America, and it is so detached, 
as to form a perfect whole by itself. Most of the prominent 
facts are a faithful transcript from that accurate and elegant 
historian. According to his note. No. XI. Christopher Colum- 
bus \vas born, A. B. 1447 : the place of his birth is not ascer- 
tained, but it appears he was a subject of the republic of Genoa, 
and was allured into the service of the Portuguese by the fame of 
their discoveries : he was descended from an honourable family, 
though reduced to indigence by various misfortunes. 

Columbus discovered in his early youth, a strong propensity 
and talents for a sea-faring life: this propensity his parents 
encouraged by the education they gave him ; after acquiring 
some knowledge of tlie Latin tongue, the only language in 
vdiich science v/as taught at that time, he was instructed in ge- 
ometry, cosmography, astronomy, and the art of drawing. To 
these he applied vvilh such unremitted ardour, as they were so. 
intimately connected with navigation, his favourite object, that 
he advanced with rapid proficiency in the study of them. Thus 
qualified he ^\ent to sea at the age of fourteen, and began his 
career on that element, which conducted him to so much glory. 
His early voyages were to tliose ports in the Mediterranean which 
his countrymen, the Genoese, fret^uented. This being too narrow 
a sphere for his active mind, he made an excursion to the north- 
ern seas, and visited the coast of Iceland ; he proceeded beyond 
that island, (the Thule of the ancients) and advanced several 
degrees within the polar circle. 
This voyage enlarged his knowledge iu naval afiairs mor^* 



HISTORY OF 



than it improved his fortune ; afterwards he entered into these. 
vice of a famous sea-captain of his own name and famiU% Thfs 
man commanded a small squadron, fitted out at his own expense, 
and bj cruismt- against the Mahometans and Venetians, the 
rivals of his country m trade, had acquired both wealth and rep- 
utation. Columbus continued in the service of this captain foi- 
several years, distinguished both for his courage and experience 
as a sailor: at length in an obstinate engagement off the coast 
of Portugal, with some Venetian caravals, returning richly laden 
from the low countries, the vei=sel on board of which he was 
took fire, together with one of the enemy's ships, to which it 
was fast grappled. 

In this dreadfdl extremity his intrepidity and presence of mind 
did not forsake him ; for throwing himself into the sea, and lay- 
ing hold of a floating oar, by his own dexteritv in swimming, he 
reached the shore, though above two leagues distant. Thus was 
a life saved, reserved for great undertakingis. 

When he had recovered sufficient strength, he repaired to Lis- 
bon, where many of his countrymen resided, who warmly so- 
licited him to stay in that kingdom, where his naval skill and 
experience could not fail of procuring him that reward, which 
his merit entitled him to. Columbus listened with a favourable 
ear to the advice of his friends: married a Portuguese lady, and 
iixed his residence at Lisbon. By this alliance, the sphere of 
his naval knowledge was enlarged. His wife was a daughter of 
Bartholomew Perestrello, one of the -captains employed by 
prince Henry, and who, under his protection, had discovered 
and planted the islands of Porto Santo and Madeira. 

Columbus, from the journals and charts of this experienced 
navio;ator, learned the course which the Portuguese had held in 
makma; their discoveries. The study of these gratified and in- 
flamed his favourite passion ; and, while he contemplated the 
maps and read the descriptions of the new countries which Per- 
estrello had seen, his impatience to visit them became irresi^ta- 
ble. In order to indulge it, he made a voyage to Madeira, and 
continued ihnns; several years to trade with tliat island, with the 
Canaries, the Azores, the settlements in Guinea, and all the 
other places which the Portuguese had discovered on the conti- 
nent of Africa. 

He was now become one of the most skilful navigators in Eu- 
rope ; but his ambition aimed at something more. The mind of 
Columbus, naturally inquisitive, and capable of deep reflection, 
was often employed in revolving the principles upon which the 
Portuguese had founded their schemes of discovery, and the mode 
in which they had carried them on. 

The great object in view, at that period, was to find out a pas- 
srage by sea to theEa^t ladies, jfrom the time that the Portuguese 



AMERICA. 9 

doubled Cape de Vcrd^ this was a point they were anxiously so- 
licitous to attain; in comparison with it, all discoveries in Africa 
appeared inconsiderable. But how intent soever the Portuguese 
were upon discovering a new route to those desirable regions, 
thej searched for it only by steering towards the south, in hopes 
of arriving at India, by turning to the east, after they had sailed 
round the utmost extremity of Africa. This course, however, 
was still unknown ; and if discovered, was of such immense 
length, that a voyage from Europe to India, must have appeared 
an undertaking extremely arduous, and of very uncertain issue. 

More than half a century had been employed in advancing from 
Cape Non to the equator ; a much longer space of time might 
elapse before the extensive navigation from that to India could be 
accomplished. These reflections upon the uncertainty, and the 
danger of the course which the Portuj;uese were pursuing, led 
Columbus to consider, whether a shorter and more direct passage 
to the East Indies might not be found out. After revolving long, 
and attentively, every circumstance suggested by his superior 
knowledge in the theory, as well as practice of navigation, after 
comparing the observations of modern pilots with the conjectures 
of ancient authors, he at last concluded, that by sailing directly 
tawards the west, across the Atlantic ocean, new countries which 
probably formed a part of the vast continent of India, must in- 
fallibly be discovered. 

The spherical figure of the earth was known, and its magni- 
tude ascertained with some degree of accuracy. From this it 
was evident, that the continents of Europe, Asia, and Africa, 
formed but a small portion of the terraqueous globe. It appear- 
ed likewise very probable that the continent n this side the globe 
was balanced by a proportional quantity of land in the other 
hemisphere. These conclusions concerning another conUnent, 
drawn from the figure and structure of the globe, were confirm- 
ed by the observations and conjectures of modern navigators. 

A Portuguese pilot having stretched farther to the west than 
usual at that time, took up a piece of timber artificially carved, 
floating upon the sea; and as it was driven towards him by a 
westerly wind, he concluded that it came from some unknown 
land situated in that quarter. Columbus's brother-in-law, also 
had found to the west of the Madeira isles, a piece of timber, 
fashioned in the same manner, and brought by the same wind ; 
and had seen likewise canes of an enormous size floating upon 
the waves, which resembled those described by Ptolmy, as pro- 
ductions peculiar to the East Indies. After a course of wester- 
ly winds, trees torn up vvith their roots, were often driven upon 
the coasts of the Azores, and at one time the dead bodies of two 
men, with singular features, which resembled neither the inhabi" 
tants of Europe, nor of Africa, were cast ashere there, 



10 HISTORY OF 

To a mind capable of forming and executing great designs asi 
that of Columbus, these observations and authorities operated in 
full force with his sanguine andenterprizing temper : speeulalion 
led immediately to action, fully satisfied himself with respect to 
the truth of his system, he was impatient to bring it to the test 
of experiment, and to set out on a voyage of discovery. 

The first step towards this, was to secure the patronage of 
some of the considerable powers in Europe, capable of under- 
taking such an enterprize. His affection for his native country 
not extinguished by absence, he wished should reap the fruits of 
his labours and invention. With this view he laid his scheme 
before the senate of Genoa, and offered to sail under the banners 
of the republic, in quest of tiie new regions he expected to dis- 
cover. But Columbus had resided so many years in foreign parts 
that his countrymen were unacquainted with his abilities and 
character; they therefore inconsiderately rejected his proposal, 
as the dream of a chimerical projector, and lost forever the op- 
portunity of restoring their commonwealth to its ancient splen- 
dour. 

Columbus was so little discouraged by the repulse which he had 
received, that instead of relinquishing his object, he pursued it 
with fresh ardour. 

He next made an overture to John H. king of Portugal, whom 
he considered as having the second claim to his services. Here 
every thing seemed to promise hiui a more favourable reception. 
He applied to a monarch of an enterprising genius, no incom- 
petent judge in naval affairs, and proud of patronizing every at- 
tempt to discover new countries. His subjects were the most 
experienced navigators in Europe, and the least apt to be inti- 
midated either by the novelty or boldness of any maritime expe- 
dition. 

In Portugal the skill of Columbus in his profession, as well 
as his personal good qualities, were well known ; accordingly 
the king listened to him in the most gracious manner, and re- 
ferred the consideration of his plan to Diogo Ortiz, bishop of 
Ceuta, and two Jewish physicians, eminent cosmographers, 
whom he was accustomed to consult in matters of this kind. As 
he had in Genoa to combat with ignorance, in Lisbon prejudice, 
an enemy no less formidable, op})osed him ; the persons to whose 
decision his project was referred were the chief directors of 
the Portuguese navigation, and had advised to search for a 
passage to India by sieering a course directly opposite to that 
which Columbus recommended, as shorter and more certain. 
They could not, therelore, approve of his proposal, without 
submitting to the double mortification, of condemning the.ir 
own theory, and of acknowledging his superior sagacity. 



AMERICxV. U 

After a fruitless and mortifying attenJaiice, bein;^ teazed witU 
captious questions, and starting; innumerable objections, with a 
view of betraying him into such a particular explanation of his 
system, they "deferred passin^jjaifinal judgment, with respect to it; 
but secretly conspired to rob him of the honour and advantages 
which he expected from the suocess of his scheme, advising the 
king to despatch a vessel secretly, in order to attempt the pro- 
posed discovery, by following exactly the course which Colum- 
bus seemed to point out. The king, forgetting on this occasion, 
the sentiments becoming a monarch, meanly adopted this per- 
iidious counsel. But the pilot chosen to execute CoUimbus^s 
plan, had neither the genius nor tiie fortitude, of its author ; 
he returned, as might have been expected, without aecom- 
plishing any thing; execrating the project as equally ex- 
travagant and dangerous. 

Upon discovering this dishonourable action, he instantly quit- 
ted the kingdom, and landed in Spain, towards the close 
of the year 1484, when he determined to propose it in person 
to Ferdinand and Isabella, who at that time governed the united 
kingdoms of Castile and Arragon. But as he had already ex- 
perienced the uncertain issue of applications to kings and 
ministers, ne took tlie precaution of sending into England his 
brother Bartholomew to whom he had fully communicated his 
ideas ; in order that he might, at the same time, negociate with 
Henry VII, who was reputed one of the most sagacious, as well 
as opulent, princes m Europe. Columbus entertained doubts 
and fears with respect to the reception of his proposals in the 
Spanish court. 

Spain was engaged at that juncture, in a dangerous war with 
Granada, the last of the Moorish kingdoms. The cautious and 
suspicious temper of Ferdinand was not congenial with bold 
and uncommon designs. Isabella, though more generous and 
enterprizing, was under the influence of her husband in all her 
actions. 

The Spaniards had hitherto made no efforts to extend naviga- 
tion beyond its ancient limits, and beheld the amazing progress 
of discovery among their neighbours, the Portuguese, without 
making one attempt to imitate or rival them. Under circum- 
stances so unfavourable it was not likely that Columbus could 
make a rapid progress with a nation naturally slow and dilatorj 
in performing all its resolutions. 

His character, however, was well adapted to that of the 
people, whose confidence and protection he solicited. He was 
grave, though courtly in his deportment; circumspect in his 
words and actions ; irreproachable in his morals : and exem- 
plary in his attention to all the duties of religion. By these 
qualities he gained many private friends, and acquired such 



U' HISTORY OK 

general esteem, that he was considered as a person to whose 
propositions serious attention was due. 

Ferdinand and Isabella, though fully occupied by their opera- 
tions against the Moors, paid so much regard to Columbus as 
to refer the consideration of his plan to the queen's confessor, 
Ferdinand de Talavera. He consulted such of his countrymen 
is were supposed best qualified to decide upon a subject of this 
nature ; these pretended philosophers selected to judge in a 
natter of such moment, did not comprehend the first principles, 
ipoQ which Columbus founded his conjectures and hopes. Some 
)f them from mistaken notions, concerning ^he dimensions 
if the globe, contended that a voyage to those remote parts of * 
^he earth, which Columbus expected to discover, could not be 
performed in less than three years, others concluded he 
{\'ould find the ocean to be of infinite extent, according to the 
)pinion of some ancient philosophers ; or if he should persist 
n steering towards the west, beyond a certain point, that the 
convex figure of the globe would prevent his return, and that 
le must inevitably perish in the vain attempt to open a commu- 
lication between the two opposite hemispheres which nature 
lad forever disjoined. Some contended that it was presump- 
;uous in any person to suppose that he alone possessed know- 
edge superior to all the rest of mankind united : that if there 
-vere really any such countries as Columbus pretended, they 
lould not have remained so long concealed, nor would the saga- 
jity and wisdom of former ages have left the glory of this inven- 
:iou to an obscure Genoese pilot. 

Columbus's patience was put to the severest trial in listening 
:o these ignorant and malicious insinuations : after innumerable 
jonferences, and wasting five years in fruitless endeavours to 
nform and satisfy them, Talavera at last made such an unfa- 
vourable report to Ferdinand and Isabella, as induced them to 
acquaint Columbus, that until the war with the Moors should be 
Drought to a final period, it was impossible for them to engage 
M any new and expensive enterprize. 

This declaration Columbus considered as a total rejection of 
lis proposals. But happily for mankind superiority of genius is 
isually accompanied with an ardent enthusiasm, which can nei- 
her be cooled by delays, nor damped by disappointments. The 
nsolence of office may depress, but cannot extinguish it, as it 
loars above the littleness of human pride. 

Columbus was of a sanguine temper, though he felt deeply the 
;ruel blow given to his liopes, and retired immediately from a 
:ourt where lie had been long amused with vain expectations. 
[lis confidence in the justness of hi^ own system did not forsake 
lim ; and his impatience to demonstrate the truth of it became 
greater than ever. 



AMERICA. 13 

Having thus failed of success with sovereign states, he next ap- 
plied to peG&ons of inferior rank, and addressed the dukes of Medi- 
na, Sidonia.and Medina Celi, who. though subjects, were possessed 
of pow-er and opulence sufficient for the enterprize which he pro- 
jected. His proposals to them were, however, fruitless ; they did 
not choose to countenance a scheme which Ferdinand had reject- 
ed, even if they had approved of the enterprize. They were afraid 
of alarming the jealousy, and offending the pride of Ferdinand, by 
acting counter to his judgment. Such a succession of disappoint- 
ments excited the most painful sensations; and his distress was 
augmented by his not having received any accounts from his bro- 
ther, whom he had sent to the court of England. In his voyage to 
that country Bartholomew fell into the hands of pirates who strip- 
ped him of every thing, and detained him a prisoner several years. 
At length he made his escape, and arrived in England, but in such 
extreme indigence, that he was compelled to employ a considera- 
ble space of time in drawing and selling maps, in order to obtain 
as much money as would enable him to purchase a decent dress, 
in which he might venture to appear at court. He then laid before 
the king the proposals with w hich he had been entrusted by his 
brother; and, notwithstanding Henry's excessive caution and 
parsimony, which rendered him averse to new and expensive un- 
dertakings, he received the overtures of Columbus with more 
approbation, than any monarch to whom they had hitherto been 
presented. 

Columbus, in the meanwhile unacquainted with his brother's 
fate, and all hopes of succeeding in Spain being vanished, he re- 
solved to visit the court of England in person. He had already- 
made preparations for this purpose, -and taken measures for the 
disposal of his children during his absence, when Juan Perez, the 
Prior of the monastry of liibada near Palos, in which they had 
been educated, earnestly solicited him to defer his journey for a 
short time. Perez was a man of considerable learning, and of 
some credit with queen Isabella, to whom he was personally 
known. Warmly attached to Columbus, and prompted by curi- 
osity or friendship, he entered upon an accurate examination of 
his system, in conjunction with a physician, who vy^s. a good 
mathematician. \i. * 

This investigation satisfied them so thoroughly wfth respect to 
the principles upon which Columbus founded his opinion, that Pe- 
rez fearing his country would lose the glory and benefit of so 
grand an enterprize, ventured to write to'lsabella, conjuring 
her to consider the matter over again, and with the attention it 
merited. 

Isabella was so far moved by this representation, that she 
desired Perez to repair immediately to the village of Santa Fe. 
in which on account of the siege of Granada, the court resided 

B 



4 HISTORY OF 

it that time, that she n^ight confer with him upon this important 
iiiil interesting; subject. 

The first efrect of their interview was a gracious inl^itation of 
Columbus back to court, accompanied with the present of a small 
um to equip him for the journey. As there was a near pros- 
)ect that the war with the Moors would be speedily brought to 
L happy issue, by the reduction of Granada, which would leave 
he nation at liberty to engage in new undertakings ; this, as well 
>s the mark of royal favour with which Columbus had lately been 
lonoured, encoura£;ed his fticnds to appear with greater confi- 
lence than formerly, in support of his scheme. 

Of these Alonzo deQiiintanilla, comptroller of the finances in 
Castile, and Luis de Santangel, receiver of the ecclesiastical re- 
'enues in Arragon, whose zeal in promoting this great design, 
entitles their names to an honourable place in history ; these gen- 
lemen introduced Columbus to many persons of higii rank, and 
nterested them warmly in his cause. Ferdinand's distrustful 
)rudence conid net easily be overcome, he considered the pro- 
eet as extravagant and chimerical: and in order at once to 
lestroy the efforts of his partizans, and render them inefteetual, 
le employed in the new negociation persons who had formerly 
)ronoiinced his scheme impracticable. 

To their astonishment Columbus appeared before them with 
he same confident hopes of success as formerly, and insisted 
ipon the same high recompense. He proposed that a small lleet 
hould be filted out, under his command, to attempt a discovery, 
ind demanded to be appointed perpetual and hereditary admiral 
did viceroy of all the seas and lands he should discover, and to 
lave the tenth of the profits arisirg/rom tbem, settled irrevoca- 
ily upon him and his descendants. At the same time lie ofiered 
o advance the eighth part of the sumnccessary, for aecomp'ish- 
ng the design, on condition of his enjoying a proportional share 
if benefit from the adventure. If the enterprize should totally 
iiiscarry, he made no stipulation for any reward or emolument 
thatevcr. 

Instead of viewing this last proposition as the clearest evidence 
if his full persuasion, with respect to the truth of his osvn system, 
r beir.g struck with admiration \\ilh th.at magnanimity which 
fter so many delays and repulses, would stoop to nothiijg inf • lor 
ft its Oiiginal claims, the persons with whom Columbus treated, 
neanly objected to the expense of the expedition, and the value 
f tlie rewaM whicli he demanded. 

The expense tiiey aiiirmeil would be too great for Spain, in 
he present exhausted state of its finances. They contended the 
lonours and emoluments claimed by Columbus, were exorbitant, 
;ven if he should perform the utmost oL ^^hat he had proposed ; 
nd that if the expedition should j^rove abortive, such vast con- 



AMERICA. io 

e«.sions to an adventurer would be deemed inconsiderate and 
ridiculous. 

These cautious objections were so consonant with the natural 
disposition of Ferdinand, that he cordially approved uf them, and 
Isabella discouraged, declined giving any countenance toColum- 
lus, and abruptly broke oft" the conference. 

The liiind of Columbus, firm as it was, could hardly support 
the shock of such an unforeseen reverse. He withdrew in deep 
&no;uish from court, v.ith an intention of prosecuting his voyage 
to England, as his last resource. 

About that time Granada surrendered, and Ferdinand and 
Isabella, in triumphal pomp, took possession of a city, the reduc- 
tion of which rendered them masters of all the provinces extend- 
ing from the bottom of the Pyrenees to the iVontiers of Portugal. 
Quintanilla and Santangel taking advantage of this favourable 
event, made one more eftort in behalf of their friend. They 
addressed themselves to Isabella, and after expressing their sur- 
prize that she who had always been the liberal patroness cf gen- 
erous undertakings, should hesitate so long to countenance the 
most splendid scheme that had ever been proposed to any mo- 
narch ; they represented to her, that Columbus was a man of 
sound understanding and virtuous character, well qualified by 
his experience in navigation, as well as his knowledge of geome- 
try, to form just ideas with respect to the structure of the globe, 
and the situation of its various regions : and that by offering to 
risk his own life and fortune in the executi(m of his scheme, they 
gave the most satisfying evidence both of his integrity and hope 
of success; that the sum requisite for equipping such an arma- 
ii>.ent was inconsiderable, and the advantages that might accrue 
from his undertaking, were immense: that he demanded no re- 
compense for his invention and labour, but what was to arise 
from the countries which he should discover ; that as it was wor- 
thy of her magnanimity, and to make this noble attempt to extend 
the sphere of human knowledge, and to open an intercourse with 
regions liitherto unknown ; that Columbus was on his way to 
foreign countries, where some prince would close with his pro- 
posals, and Spain would forever bewail thQ fatal timidity which 
had e^xcluded her from the glory and advantages that she had 
once in her power to have enjoyed. 

These powerful arguments urged by persons of such authority, 
and at a juncture so well chosen, had the desired effect. Isabella's 
doubts and fears were all dispelled; s!ie ordered Columbus in- 
stantly to be recalled, declared her resolution of employing him 
on his own terms, and regretting the low state of her finances, 
generously offered to pledge her own jev/els in order to raise as 
much money as would be wanted for making the necessary pre- 
parations for the voyage, bantangel transported with gratitudt 



16 liiSTOHY OF 

kissed the queen's hand, and nather than slic should have re- 
course to sufch a mortifjin* expedient for procuring money, en- 
gaged to advance immediatelj the sum that was requisite. 

Columbus, ignorant oftliis c!ianp;e in his favour, had proceeded 
some leagues on his journey, v. hen the messenger overtook him; 
lipon receiving i\\e account so flattering to his hopes, he returned 
directly to Santa Fe, not without some diiridence mingling with !iis 
joy. fiut the cordial reception which he met with from Isabella, 
together with the near prospect of setting out upon that voyage 
^vhich had so long engrossed his thought and wishes, soon etric- 
ed the remembrance of past suflerings, during eight years tedi- 
ous solicitation and anxious suspense. 

The negocialion now went on with facility and despatch ; and 
a treaty with Columbus was siji^ned on the seventeenth of April 
1492. The chief articles of it were. 

1. Ferdinand and Isabella, as sovereiijns of the ocean, consti- 
tuted Columbus their high admiral in all the seas, islands, and 
continents, which should be discovered by his industry; and 
stipulated, that he, and his heirs, forever, should enjoy this office, 
w'lih the same powers and prerogatives, which belonged to the 
high admiral of Castile, within the limits of his jurisdiction. 

^!. They appointed Columbus their viceroy in all the islands 
and continents he should discover; but if, for the better adminis- 
tration of affairs, it should hereafter be necessary to establish 
a separate governor in any of those countries, tliey authorized 
Columbus to name three persons, of whom they would clioose one 
for thatoflice : and the dignity of viceroy, with all its immuni- 
ties, ^vas likewise to be hereditary i,n the family of Columbus. 

S. They granted to Columbus, .and his heirs forever, the tenth 
of the free profits accruing from the productions and commerce 
of the countries, which he should discover. 

4,. They declared, that if any controversy or law-suit, shall 
arise with respect to any mercantile transaction, in the countries 
which should he discoverd, it should be determined by the sole 
authority of Columbus, or of judges to be appointed by him. 

5. They permitted Columbus to advance one eighth part of 
"what should he expended in preparing for the expedition, and in 
carrying on connnerce with the countries which he should discov- 
er; and entitled him in return to an eighth part of the profit. 

Notwithstandina; the name of Ferdiiiand appears conjoined 
with that of Isabella in this transaction, his distrust of Columbus 
was so violent that he refused to take any part in the enterprise, 
as king of Arragon. As the whole expense of the expedition, 
excepting the part Columbus was to furnish, was defrayed by 
the crown of Castile, Isabella reserved for her subjects af that 
kingdom, an exclusive right to all the benefits which might re- 
dou nd from its success. 



AMERICA. 17 

When the treaty was signed, Isabelis. endeavoured to make 
some reparation to Columbus for the time he had lost in fruitless 
solicitation, by her attention and activity in forwarding the pre- 
parations. 

By the twelfth of May, all that depended on her was adjusted ; 
and Columbus waited on the king and queen, in order to receive 
their linal instructions. Every thing respecting the destinatioa 
and conduct of the voyage was committed entirely to his wisdom 
and prudence. But that they might avoid giving any just cause 
of offence to the king of Portugal, they strictly enjoined him not 
to approach near to the Portuguese settlements on the coast of 
Guiaea; nor in any of the other countries, to which they claiffi- 
ed ri2;ht as discoverers. 

The ships of which Columbus was to take the command, were 
ordered by Isabella to be fitted out in the port of Palos, a small 
maritime town in the province of Andalusia. The prior Juan 
Perez, to whom Columbus had been so greatly indebted, resided 
in the neighbourhood of this place; he, by the influence of that 
good ecclesiastic, as well as by his own connexion with the in- 
habitants, not only raised among them what he wanted of the sum 
that he was bound by treaty to advance, but engaged several of 
them to accompany him in the voyage. The chief of these asso- 
ciates were three brothers of the name of Pinzon, of considerable 
wealth, and of great experience in naval atfairs, who were wil- 
ling to hazard their lives and fortunes in the enterprize. 

But, notwithstanding all the endeavours and efforts of Isabella 
and Columbus, the armament was not suitable to the dignity of 
the nation by which it was equipped, or to the importance of the 
service for which it was destined. It consisted of three vessels 
only ; the largest a ship of no considerable burden, was com- 
manded by Columbus, as admiral, who gave it the name of Santa 
Maria, out of respect to the blessed virgin, whom he honoured 
with singular devotion. Of the second, called La Pinta, Martin 
Alonzo Pinzon was captain, and his brother Francis, pilot. The 
third, named La Nigna, was under the command of Vincent 
Yanez Pinzon : those two \weve hardly superi(5r in burden and 
force to large boats. 'Ihis squadron, if it merits the name, was 
victualled for twelve months, arid had on board ninety men, 
mostly sailors, together with a few adventurers, who followed 
the fortune of Columbus, and some gentlemen of Isabella's court, 
whom she appointed to accompany him. Though the expense of 
the undertaking was one of the circumstances that chiefly alarm- 
ed the court of Si>ain, and retarded so long the negociations with 
Columbus, the sum employed in fitting out this squadron did not 
exceed four thousand pounds. 

The art of ship building in the fifteenth century was extremely 
Elide, and the bulk and construction of vessels were accomuj^a:;^ 



18 HISTORY OF 

dated to the short and easy voynges along (he coast, which they 
were accusstomed to perform. It is a proof of the genius and 
courage of Columbus* that he ventured with a fleet so unfit for a 
distant navigation, to explore uiiknown seas, where he had no 
chart to guide him, no knowledge of the tides and currents, and 
no experience of the dangers to winch, in all probability, he 
would be exposed. His ea£;erness to accomplish his great design 
made him overhjuk every danger and difiiculty. He pushed for- 
ward the preparations with such ardour, and was so well se- 
conded by Isabella, that every thing was soon in readiness for 
the voyage. 

But as Columbus was deeply impressed with a sense of the su- 
perintendance of divine Providence, over the affairs of this life, 
he would not set out upon this expedition without publicly implor- 
ing the protection of heaven. With this view, he, together with 
all the persons under his command, marched in solenin proces- 
sion to the monas^tery of Rabida. After confessing their sins, 
and obtaining absolution, they received the sacrament from the 
hands of the prior, u ho joined his prayers to theirs for the suc- 
cess of an entcrprize which he had so zealously patronized. 

Next n)ornirg being the third day of August, in the year of 
our Lord 149^^, the fleet sailed a little before sun rise. A vast 
crowd of spectators assejibled on the shore, and sent up their 
supplications to heaven for the prospjerous issue of their voyage, 
which they rather hoped than expected. 

Columbus steered for the Canary islands, and arrived there 
without an occurrence worth remarking or that would have been 
taken notice of on any other occasion. But in this expedition 
every thing claimed attention. The rudder of La Pinta broke 
loose, the day after thev left the harbour; the crew superstitious 
and uni-kilful, considered this as a bad omen, in this short run, 
the ships were found so crMzy, as to be very unfit for a navigation 
which was expected to be long and dangerous. Columbus re- 
paired them the best in his power; and after taking in a sup- 
ply of fresh provisions, at Gomera, he took his departure on the 
sixth day of September. He immediately left the usual track of 
navigation, holding his course due west, and stretched into un- 
frequented seas. The calmness of the weather prevented them 
from makin» much progress the first day ; but on the second he 
lost sight of land. The sailors dejected and dismayed at the 
koldness of the undertaking, beat their breasts, and shed tears, 
as if they were never again to see the land. Columbus, confident 
cf success, comforted them with assurances of a happy issue of 
the voyage, and the prospect of vast wealth. 

This pusillanimous spirit of the crew, taught Columbus that h& 
should have to struggle with other difficulties besides what was, 
Rjltural lor him to expect from the nature of the undertaking, 



AMERICA. 19 

Fortunately for himself and for the country which employed 
him, to an ardent inventive genius, he joined other virtues but 
rarely united wilh them : he possessed a perfect knowledge of 
mankind, an insinuatinc; address, a patient perseverance, in ex- 
ecuting any plan, the full and entire government of his own 
passions, and the art of acquiring the direction of other men's. 

These qualities which eminently formed him for command, 
were accompanied with that experience and knowledge in his 
profession, which begets confidence in times of difficulty and 
danger. 

The Spanish sailors accustomed only to coasting voyages in 
theMedilerranean ;theknowledgeof Columbus, thefrnitof thirty 
years experience, improved by the inventive skill of the Por- 
tuguese, appeared immense. 

When they were at sea, he superintended the execution of 
every order; and allowing himself only a few hours f(»r rest, he 
was ainiost constantly on deck. His course Iving throu<ih seas 
not formerly visited ; the sounding line or quadrant were seldom 
out of his hands. He attended to the motions of the tid^s and 
currents, watched the flight of birds, the appearances ot fishes, 
of sea weeds and every thing that floated upon the water, enter-^ 
ing every occurrence on his journal. 

Expecting the length of the voyage would alarm the sailors^ 
Columbus concealed from tkem the real progress vhich they made. 
He employed the artifice of reckoning short, during the whole 
voyage. The fourteenth of September, the fleet was above two 
hundred leagues to the west of the Canaries : the greatest dis- 
tance from land that any Spaniard had been before that time. 

But now they were struck with an appearance that was aston- 
ishing, because it was new. The magnetic needle did not 
point exactly to the Polar Star, but varied a degree towards the 
west; and as they proceeded, this variatiori increased. Aldiough 
this is now familiar, it still remains one of the mysteries of na- 
ture into the cause of which the sagacity of man has not been able 
to penetrate, and filled the companions of Columbus with terror^ 
They were now far from the usual course of navigation, nature 
itself seemed altered, and the o?)ly guide they had left, seemed 
to fail them. Columbus wiUi admirable presence of mind, in- 
vented a plausible reason for this appearance, which had an effect 
to dispel their fears, or silence their murmurs. He still steered 
due west, nearly in the latitude of the Canaries. In this direc- 
tion he came within the course of the trade winds which blow 
invariably from easi to ^vest. 

He advanced before this steady gale with such rapidity, that 
it was seldom necessary to ^hift a .-aii. 

About four hundretl leagues west of the Canaries the sea was 
SQ €QYerc4 witli vveuds that it reseoj bled a meadow of v^stextenty 



20 HISTORY OF 

and was in sorae places so thick as to impede the progress of (he 
vessels. This was cause of fresh alarm: the seamen imagined 
this was the utmost boundary of the ocean ; and that these float- 
ing weeds concealed dangerous rocks, or a large tract of land, 
>vfiich had sunk in that place. Columbus persuaded them that, 
instead of alarming, it ought rather to encourage them, to consi- 
der it as a sign of approaching land. At the same time a brisk 
gale sprung up, and carried them forwards. Several birds were 
seen hovering about the ship, and directing their flij^ht towards 
the west. The despairing crew resumed some degree of spirit, 
and began to entertain fresh hopes. 

Upon the first day of October they were advanced seven hun- 
dred and seventy leagues west of the Canaries ; but he persuaded 
his men that he had only proceeded five hundred and eighty-four 
leagues; and fortunately for Columbus, neither his own pilot, 
nor those of the other ships could discover the deceit. 

Three weeks had now elapsed and no land appeared, all their 
prognostics had proved fallacious, and their prospects of success 
were now as distant as ever. These reflections made strong im- 
pressions, at first, on the timid and ignorant, and axtended, by 
degrees to those who were better informed, or more resolute. 
The contagion spread, at length, from ship, to ship. From secret 
whispers and murmurings, they proceeded to open cabals and 
loud complaints. 

They charged their sovereign with foolish credulity, in rely- 
ing on the vain promises and rash conjectures of an indigent for- 
eigner. They affirmed that they had fully performed their duty, 
by venturing in a hopeless cause, and that they would be justifi- 
able in refusing any longer to follow such a desperate adventurer 
to certain destruction. They contended that it was high time to 
think of returning to Spain, while their crazy vessels were still 
in a condition to keep the sea, but they feared the attempt would 
be impracticable, as the wind which hitherto had been favoura- 
ble in their course, would make it impossible to sail in an oppo- 
site direction. 

They all agreed that Columbus should be compelled by force 
to adopt a measure, on which their safety depended. Some were 
for throwing him overboard, and getting rid of his remonstran- 
ces, being persuaded that, upon their return to Spain, his death 
would excite little concern, and be inquired into with no curi- 
osity. Columbus was not ignorant of his perilous situation ; he 
saw that the disaffection of his crew was ready to burst forth into- 
open mutiny. He att'ected to seem ignorant of all their designs, 
and appeared with a cheerful countenance like a man fully satis- 
fied with the progress he had made, and confident of success. 
Sometimes he endeavoured to work upon their ambition and 
avarice^ by magniticeat descriptions of the fame and, wealth which 



AMERICA. Jil 

they would in all probability acquire. On other occasions he as- 
sumed a lone of authority, and threatened them with vengeance 
from their sovereign, if by their co'wardly behaviour, they should 
defeat the most noble effort to promote the glory of God and ex- 
alt the Spanish name over ever}" other nation. 

The words of a man, they were accustomed to obey and rever- 
ence, were weighty and persuasive. They not only restrained 
them from violent excesses, but prevailed with them to accompa* 
ny their admiral some time longer. 

As they advanced in their course, signs of approaching land 
were frequent. Birds appeared ih tlocks, and directed their flight 
towards the south west. In imitation of the Portuguese, who in 
their several discoveries were guided by the motion of birds, Co- 
lumbus altered his course from due west, to that quarter whither 
they pursued their flight. Holding on in this direction several 
days, but with no better success than formerly, and having seen 
no land for thirty days tlieir hopes subsided quicker than they 
had arisen ; iheir fears revived with additional force ; impatience, 
rage, and despair, were visible in every countenance. All subor- 
dination was lost ; the ofllicers had hitherto concurred in opinion 
with Columbus, but now took part with the men ; they assembled 
and mixed threats with expostulations, and required him instant^ 
]y to tack about, and return to Spain. 

Columbus perceived it would be in vain to practise his former 
arts, or to endeavour to rekindle any zeal for the enterprize in 
men, in whose breasts fear had extinguished every noble senti- 
ment. It was therefore necessary, to soothe passions, which it 
was impossible to command, and give way to a torrent too impe- 
tuous to be checked. He therefore solemnly promised them, that 
if they would continue to obey his commands, and accoaipany 
him three days longer, and if during that time, land were not 
discovered, he Mould then abandon the enterprize, and direct 
his course towards Spain. 

This proposition did not appear to them unreasonable : en- 
raged as they were, they yielded to the proposition. Columbus 
saw the presages of approaching land so numerous and certain, 
that he did not hazard much in confining himself to so short a 
term. For some days ihe sounding line reached the bottom, and 
the soil which it brought up was a strong indication that the land 
was at no great distance. The land birds which made their ap- 
pearance, confirmed their hopes. 

"J'he crew of La Pinta observed a cane floating, which seemed 
to be newly cut, and likewise a piece of timber artificiallj' carv- 
ed The sailors onboard La Nigna, took up the branch of a 
tree with red berries, perfectly fresh. The air was more mild 
and warm, and the clouds around the setting sun assumed ^ 
new appearance. 



520 lilSTpRY OF 

Columbus was now so confident of being near land, that on the 
evening of the Seventh of October, after public prayers for suc- 
cess, he ordered the ships to'lie by, and a strict watch kept, lest 
they should be driven on shore in the night. During this interval 
of suspense, and anxious expeclation, no man closed his eyes : 
but all kept on deck looking intently towards that part from 
whence they supposed land would appear, which had been so 
long the object of their most anxious wishes. 

About two hours before midnight Columbus, standing on the 
forecastle, observed a light at a distance, and privately pointed it 
out to Pedro Guttierez, a paj^e of the queen's wardrobe. Gut- 
tierez perceived it, and called to Salcedo, comptroller of the fleet, 
all three saw it move from place to place. A little afler mid- 
night, the joyful sound of Land! Land I was heard from La 
Pinta, which always kept a-headof the other ships. Deceived 
so often by fallacious appearances, they were slow of belief, and 
waited in anxious suspense for the return of day. 

When the morning dawned, all their doubts and fears were 
dispelled ; they discovered an island about two leagues to the 
north, whose verdant fields and woods watered with many rivu- 
lets, presented to them the aspect of a delightful country. 

The crew of La Pinta instantly began the Te Deum, as a 
hymn of thanksgiving to God , and were joined by the crews of 
the other ships, with tears of joy, and transports of congratula- 
tion. This act of devotion, was followed by an act of justice to 
their commander : they fell at his feet with feelings of self-con- 
demnaiion, inspired with reverence. They implored his pardon 
for their ignorance, incredulity, and insolence, which had creat- 
ed him so much unnecessary disquiet, and passing from one ex- 
treme to another, in the warmth of their imagination they now 
pronounced liim, whom they had lately reviled and threatened, 
to be a person divinely inspired with sagacity and fortitude more 
than human, that could accomplish a design beyond the ideas 
and conceptions of all former ages. ;* 

When the sun arose, the boats were all manned and armed, 
with colours displayed, warlike music, and other m.artial pomp; 
they rowed towards the shore: as they appiuached, they saw a 
multitude of people, whose gestures expressed wonder and as- 
tonishment at the novel and strange objects which presented 
themselves to their view. 

Columbus was the fust European that set his foot on the new 
world. He landed in a rich dress, and, with a drawn sword in his 
hand. His men followed, with the royal standard displayed, 
and kneeling down, kissed the ground they had so long desired, 
to see. They then erected a crucifix} and prostrating them- 
selves before it, returned thanks to God, for thus conducting 
their voyage to so happy an issue. 



AMERICA. 23 

i'hey then, iii a solemn manner, took possession of the country 
for the''crovvn of Castile and Leon, with all the lormalities usual 
v/ith the Portuguese to observe in all their discoveries. While 
the Spaniards were thus employed, they were surrounded by the 
?)atives, who in silent admiration, gazed uuon actions, the mean- 
ing of which they could not comprehend, or foresee the conse- 
quences. 

The dress of the Spaniards, the whiteness of their skin, their 
beards, arms and accoutrements, appeared strange and surpriz- 
ing. The vast machines in which they traversed the ocean, that 
appeared to move upon the waters with wings uttering a dreadful 
sound, like thunder accompanied witli ligiituing and smoke, fill- 
ed them with terror, and inspired them with a belief that their 
new guests were a superior order of beings, concluding they 
were children of the sun, who had descended to visit the earth. 
The Spaniards were as much amazed at the scene before them. 
The trees, the shrubs, the herbage, were all different from those 
whith were of European growth. The( climate was warm, 
though extremely delightful. The inhabitantVappeared in the sim- 
ple innocence of nature, entirely naked. Their black hair, long 
and uncurled, floated upon their shoulders, or was hound in tres- 
ses round their heads. They had no beards, and every part of 
their bodies was perfectly smooth, of a copper colour, their fea- 
tures not disagreeable, ofa gentle and timid aspect. They were 
well shaped and active. Their faces and bodies were painted 
in a fantastical tnanner, with glaring colours. They appeared 
shy at first, but soon became familiar, and with transports of joy 
received glass beads and other baubles, in return for which they 
gave such provisions as they had, and some cotton yarn, the only 
commodity of value they had to trade with. 

In the evening Columbus returned to his ships in company with 
many of the islanders in their canoes, which they managed with 
surprizing dexterity. - 

Every circumstance relating to this first interview, between 
the inhabitants of the old and new world was conducted with 
harmony and satisfiiction. The former enlightened, and influ- 
enced by ambition, formed vast ideas respecting the future ad- 
vantages that would likely accrue from the discovery. The lat- 
ter, simple and unsuspecting, had no forethought of the calami- 
ties and dessolation v,^hich were soon to overwhelm the country. 
Columbus, as admiral and viceroy, called the island San Salva- 
dor, it is nevertheless better known by the name of Guanahani, 
which the natives gave to it, and is one of the Bahama isles. It 
is situated above three thousand miles to the west of Gomera, 
from Vv'hich the squadron took its departure, and only four de- 
grees south of it. Columbus emj>lo>ed the first day in "^siting 
the coast of the island, and from the general poverty of the 



24 HISTORY OF 

inhabitants, he was assured Ihat this was not the rich countrj 
that he sought. "^ 

Having observed small plates of gold, which most of the peo- 
ple wore by way of ornament, pendent in their nostrils, he ea- 
gerlv inquired where they found that precious metal. They 
pointed tov^ards the south and south west, and made him com- 
prehend by signs, that there was abundanceW gold in countries 
situated in that quarter. 

Animated with liope, he determined to direct his course thith- 
er, in full expectation of finding those wealthy regions which 
had been the main object of his voyage. With this view he again 
set sail, taking with him seven of the innocent natives, to serve 
as interpreters, who esteemed it a mark of distinction when they 
were selected to accompany him. 

In his course he parsed several islands, and touched at three 
of them which he called Mary, Ferdinand, and Isabella. But 
as the soil and inhabitants resembled those of San Salvador, he 
made no stay there. He inquired every where fur gold, and 
was answered as before that it was brought from the south. Fol- 
lowing that course he soon discovered a country of vast extent 
diversified with risina: grounds — hills, rivers, woods and plains. 
He was uncertain whether it would prove an island or part of the 
continent. The natives he had on board called it Cuba ; Colum- 
bus gave it the name ef Juanna. He entered the mouth of a 
large river with his squadron, and the natives all fled to the 
mountains as he approached the shore, 

Ihtending to careen his ships in that place, Columbus sent 
some Spaniards, together with one of the San Salvador Indians, 
to view the inter ioi" parts of the country. 

Having advanced above sixty miles from the shore, they re- 
ported upon their return, that the soil was richer and more cul- 
tivated, than what they had already discovered; that besides 
scattered cottages, they had found one village, containing one 
thousand inhabitants; that the people, though naked, were more 
inielligent than those of San Salvador, but had treated them with 
the same respectful attention, ki&siug their feet, and honouring 
them as sacj e^ beings allied to Heaven ; tliat they gave them 
a certain root, which in taste resembled roasted chesnuts, and 
likewise a singular species of corn, called maize, that was ve- 
ry palatable : and that there seemed to be no four footed animals, 
except a species of dogs that could not bark, and a creature re- 
seoib'inga rabbit, butsmallw; that they had observed some or- 
naments of «old among the people, but of no great value. 

Some of the natives accompanied these messengers ; they in- 
formed Columhusas vhe others had done, that the gold he was so 
au:».iously soUcitous about, was to he found to the southward ; of- 
the word Cubanacan, by which they meant th-^ 



A^IEHICA. 25 

iniaiKl part of Cuba; Columbus ignorant of their pronunciation, 
and believing the country he had discovered, to be a part of the 
East Indies. Under the^^inlluence of this idea, he thought they 
spoke of the £;reat Ivahn, and imagined the opulent kingdom of 
Cathay was not very remote. 

The natives as mucii astonished, at the eagerness of the Span- 
iards for gold, as the Europeans were at their ignorance and 
simplicity, pointed towards the east, where was an island called 
llayti, in which that metal was more abundant. Columbus or- 
dered hi3S(iuadron to steer its course thither ; but Martin Alonzo 
Pinzon, eager to be the first in takinp; possession of the rich trea- 
sure, which the island was supposed to contain, quilted his com- 
panions, and paid no regard to the admiral's signals to slacken 
sail, until they should come up with him. Retarded by contrary 
vinds, Columbus did not reach Hayti, until the sixth of Decem- 
ber, lie called the port where he first landed St. Nicholas, and 
the island itself Espagnola, in honour of the kingdom by whieli 
he was employed ; and it is the only country which he discovered j 
that still bears the name which he gave it. 

As he could not have any intereourse with the inhabitants, who 
fled in great consternation, he soon left St. Nicholas, and sailed 
along the northern coast of the island : he ent2red another har- 
bour which he called Conception. Here he was more fortunate ; a 
woman who was flying from them was overtaken ; and after treat- 
ing her kindly, she was dismissed with presents of such toys as to 
an Indian were considered most valuable. VV^hen she returned to 
her countrymen with her imagination heated with what she had 
seen, she gave such a flattering descripiion of the new comers; at 
the same time producing the trinkets she had received; that they 
were eager to partake of the same favours. I'heir fears being 
removed, many of theni repaired to the harbour. Here theit 
curiosity and wishes were amply gratified. They nearly resem- 
bled the other natives they had already seen, naked, ignorant,, 
and simple, credulous and timid to a degree, which made it easy 
to acquire an ascendancy over them ; they were led into the same 
error as the other inhabitants who believed them to be more thaa 
mortals, descended immediately from Heaven. Tliey possessed, 
gold in greater abundance tlian their neighbours, which they 
cheerfully parted with for bells, beads, or pins; and in this une- 
qual traflic, both parties were higidy pleased, each con3iderin^ 
themselves as gainers by the transaction. A prince or caziqueot' 
the country made Columbus a visit at this place. He appeared 
in all the pojop of Indian magnificence ; he was carried in a sort 
of palan(|uin by four men, and a numerous train of attendants, 
who approached him with respectful attenti(m. His deportment 
was grave and stately : to his own people very reserved, but to 
ihQ .Spaniards open and extremely courteous. He gave the ad^ 



,S6 HISTORY OF 

miral some thin plates of gold, and a girdle curiously wrougld 
after the Indian fashion. Columbus in return, made him pre- 
«-:ents of small value to a European, but highly prized by the 
savage chief. Columbus's thouglif.s continually occupied with 
the prospect of discovering gold mines, interrogated all the na- 
tives he met »ith concerning their situation. All his interroga- 
tives were answered by their pointing to a mountainous country 
^vhich in their language was called Cibao, at some distance 
iVom the sea, towards the east. Struck with the name, he no 
longer doubted but that it was Cipango, a name by which Mar- 
jt:o Polo distinguished the islands of Japan : which strengthened 
him in that erroneous opinion he had embraced, that the country 
iie had discovered was a remote part of Asia. 

In full confidence of the rectitude of his opinion, he directed 
jiis course towards the east. He put into a commodious harbour 
Avhich he named St. Thomas : this part of the country was 
governed by a powerful cazicjue named Guacanahari, who was one 
«f the five sovereigns'among whom the whole island was divided. 
lie immediately sent messengers to Columbus with a present of 
a mask of beaten gold, curiously fashioned, and invited him to 
his town near the harbour, now called cape Francois. Colum- 
bus returned the cazi(iue's civilities by a deputation of some of 
his own people; who returned with such favourable accounts 
of the countiy and people, as made Columbus impatient for that 
interview which Guacanahari had dessired. 

For this purpose he sailed from St. Thomas on the twenty- 
fourth of December with a fair wind and smooth sea; and as he 
•had not slept for two days, at midnight he retired to take some 
repose, committing the helm to the pilot, strictly enjoining him 
not to quit it for a moment. But he dreading no danger, incau- 
tiously gave the helm in charge to the cabin boy, and the ship 
^vas carried av^ay by the current, and dashed against a rock. 
The violence of the concussion awakened Columbus. He imrne- 
diately went upon deck, and there he found all was confusion 
Hud despair. He alone retained presence of mind. He imme- 
diately ordered some sailors to take a boat and earry out an an- 
chor astern ; but they, instead of complying with the orders of 
their admiral, niade olf to La Nigna, about half a league dis- 
tant. He then commanded the masts to be cut down, but all bis 
endeavours were too late ; the vessel filled so fast with water, 
that it v^as impossible to save her. The smoothness of the sea, 
and the timely assistance from La Nigna, enabled the crew to 
save their lives. The natives as soon as they henrd of this 
disaster, crowded to the shore with Guacanahari at their head, 
Slid lamented their mist'crtu Tie with tears of sincere condolence. 
P.ut they did not rest si)ti?lied with this uruwailing expression (»f 
their soirovv : they launched a vast LUUiber ol' canuts. and uuder 



AMERICA. '27 

the diicctiun of Spaniards rendered important services, in saving 
the property out of the wreck ; Guacanahari in person took 
char.2;e of the goods as they were landed; and by his order* 
were all deposited in one place, and posted sentinels to keep the 
n»ultitude at a distance. 

Next morning; this prince visited Columbus, who was on board 
of La Ni«;na, and in the warmth of atiectlon offered ail he had to 
repair his loss. Such tender a«siduitj and sincere condolence in 
a savage, afforded Colutnbus that relief his agitated spirits, stood 
in need of. Columbus hitherto had heard no account of La 
Pinta, and suspected not without cause, that his treacherous 
associate had set sail for Europe, tliat he might claim the merit 
of carrying the first tidings of the discoveries to Spain, and so 
far. gain the attention of his sovereign as to rob Columbus of the 
glory and reward to which he was justlj entitled. But one ves- 
sel now remained, and that the smallest and most crazy of \!\\q 
squadron: in which they were compelled to traverse a vast 
ocean, with so many men, back to Europe. 

To remedy this last inconvenience, he proposed to his men the 
great advantages that would accrue by leaving some of them on 
the island, to learn the language of ihe natives, study their dis- 
position, examine the country, search for mines, and prepare for 
the commodious settlement of the colony, for which he proposed 
to return, and secure those advantages which it was reasonable 
to expect from his discoveries. To this proposal all his men 
assented, and many offered voluntarily to remain behind. Gua- 
canahari was pleased with the proposition, as he conceived that 
with such powerful allies, he should be able to repel the attacks 
of a warlike and fierce people he called Caribeans, who some- 
times invaded his dominions, delighted in blood, and devoured 
the flesh of the prisoners, who unhappily fell into their hands. 
Guacanahari, as he was speaking of these dreadful invaders, dis- 
covered such symptoms of terror, as well as consciousness of the 
inability of his ov^n people to resist them, that led Columbus to 
believe such a proposal would be very agreeable. Guacanahari, 
closed instantly with the proposal, and thought himself safe un- 
der the protection of beings sprung from heaven, and superioc 
in power to mortal men. 

The ground was marked out for a small fort, which was called, 
by Columbus, Navidad, because it was Christmas-day when he 
landed there. A deep ditch was drawn around it : the ram- 
parts were fortified, and the great guns saved out of the admi- 
ral's ship were planted upon them. In ten days the work was 
completed; the simple unsuspecting Indians, laboured with in- 
considerate assiduity, in erecting this first monument of their 
own servitude. ^The high opinion the natives had of the Span- 
Sards, was increased by the caresses and liberality of Columbus :' 



£S lllSTOUY OF 

but wbile be wished to inspire tbcm ^vitll conf.dfiice in titeir di;;- 
position to do gcod, lie also wished to give them some striking 
jdca of their power to puT.ishand destroy such as provoked their 
^^ust indignation. With this view, he drew vp his men in order 
of battle, in ^ iew of a vast concourse i^\' people, and made an 
ostentatious dis[iiav of ihe force of the Spani^li arms. 

These rude people, strargers to any hostile weapons, but 
"wooden swords, javelins hardened in the fire, and reeds pointed 
with the hones of fishes, admired and trcmhied, but t!ie sudden 
explosion of the c;rcat guns, struck them with such terror and 
«stonishment, that ll.ey fell fiat to the ground, and covered their 
faces with their hands : and v. lien they beheld the effects of the 

. balls, they were persuaded that it was impossible to resist men 
vho came armed wiih thunder and lightning against their ene- 

'*inies. After giving such powerful impressions of tlie power and 
beneficence of the Spaniards, Columbus chose out thirty eight 
of his people to remain on the island. The command of these 
\vas j2;iven to Diego de Arada, a gentleman of Cordova; Colum- 
bus investins: him with the same powers. which be had himself 
received from hisro^^al patrons, after furnishing him with every 
thing requisite for this infant colonj'. He strongly insisted oti 
their preserving concord amonEjst" themselves, a prompt and 
ready obedience to their commander, and the maintenance of 
;\ friendly intercourse v, ith the natives, as the surest means of their 
preservation. That they should cultivate the friendship of Gua- 
canahari, but not jnit tl.emselves in liis power by straggling' in 
F.mall paities from the fort. lie then toiik his lea\ e, after pro- 
mising lo revisit them seon with a reinforcement sufficient to 
take full possession (»f the country. He further promised to 
rlace their merit in a cons{ icuous liu;lit to the king and queen. 

llavinjr thus taken every precaution to secure the colony, he 
loft Navidad the ftuntli day of January, 149:1, and steering to- 
v^ards the east, on the sixth* he discovered J.a Pinta, after a sep- 
r^ration of more tlian six weeks. Pinzon endeavouicd tojustify 
liis conduct, pretending be had been driven from Ids course 
bv stress of weather, and prevented from returning by contrary 
vinds. Colunfbus. though no stranger to liis perfidious intentions, 
rs well as the falsehood lie urg^d in his defence, was so sensible 
that it was not a proper time for exerting his authority, and was 
so pleased with joining bis consort, as it dnlivered him from some 
^measy apprehensions, that be admitted the apology without 
difbcullv. and restored him to favour. Columbus now found it 
reeessaiy, from the eagerness which his men bhovyed to visit 
their native country, and the cra/.y coudilioii of his ships, to 
basten his return to Europe. 

"With this view, on the sixteenth of January, be directed bis 
course totheuorlb-cast, and was soon out of sight of his newly 



AMERICA. 29 

discovered country, lie hadsome of the native?, whom he had 
taken from (he diiVerent i^;lands, on board ; and besides the gold,^ 
which was the principal o»)joct of research, he had specimens of 
ail the produi^tions whicJi were likely to become subjects of com- 
merce, as well as many strange hiids and other natural curiosi- 
ties, which niii;ht attract the attention, and excite the wonder 
of the people. 

The vovao;e was prosperous to the fourteenth of February, at 
which time they had advanced five hundred lea.2;ues, when the 
wind began to rise, and blow with increasing ra^e, till it termi- 
nated in a violent hurricane. Columbus's naval skill and experi- 
ence was severely put to the proof; destruction seemed ineviia- 
ble ; the sailors had recourse to prayers, and to (he invocatioa 
of saints, to vows and charms, to every thing that religion ot» 
superstit/on suivgests to the niVfighted mind. No prospect of 
deliverance appearing, despair was visible in every counte- 
nance, and they expected every moVnent to be swallowed up by 
the waves. Columbus had to endure feelings peculiar to him- 
self. He dreaded that all the knowledge of his discoveries 
>^ould be lost to the world, and that his name would descend to 
posterity as that of a rash deluded adventurer, instead of being 
transuiitted with the honour due to the author and conductor of 
the noblest enterpri'^e that had ever been underlaken. Reflec- 
tions like these extini^uished all sense of his own personal dan- 
ger. More solicitous to preserve the memory of what he had 
achieved, than the preservation of his own life, he retired to his 
cabin, and wrote upon parchment a short account ot the voyage 
lie had made, the course he had taken, and of the riches and 
situation of the country he had discovered, and of the small 
colony he had left there. 

Having wrapped this up In an oiled clotn, whicb he enclosed 
in a cake of wax, he then carefully put it into a cask, eit'ectu- 
ally stopping it to keep out the water, he threw it into the sea, 
in hopes that some fortunate accident might preserve a deposit 
of so much importance to the world. Providence at lenp;th inter- 
posed to save so valuable a life. The wind abated, the sea became 
calm, and on the evening of the fiHeenth they discovered land, 
which they soon knew to be St. Mary, one of the Azotes, or 
Western islands, subject to the crown of Portugal. There he 
obtained a supply of provisions, and snch other things as he had 
need of. There was one circumstance that greatly disquieted 
him: La Pinta had separated from him during the hurricane ; 
he was apprehensive that she had foundered, and that all her 
crew had perished : afterwards, his former suspicions revived, 
that Pinzon had borne away for Spain, that he might reach it 
before him, and give the first account of his discoveries^ In 

C-2 



50 TVIISTORY OF 

order to prevent this he proceeded on his voyage as soon as the 
veatlier would permit. 

At no o-rrat distance from the coast of Spain, another st(»rm 
arose little inferior to the former in violence ; and after driving 
before it durino; two dajs and two nights, he was forcctl to take 
shelter in the river Tagus. Upon application to the kina; of Por- 
tugal, he was nllowed to come op to Lisbon; Columbus was re- 
reived vith all the n'aiks of distinction due to a man who had 
performed things so extraordinary and unexpected. The king 
r.dmitted him into his presence, treated him vith great respeet, 
Tvnd listened to the accourit he gave of his voyage, with admira- 
tion min2;lod with regiet. 

Columbus was now al^le to prove the solidity of his schemes, 
to those very persons, v. ho with an igno'ance disgraceful to them- 
Folves, and fatal to their country, had lately rejected them as 
the projects of a visionary adventurer. Columbus was so impa- 
tient to return to Spain, that he remained only five days at Lis- 
bon, and on tiie fifteentb (>f March, he arrived at the port of 
Falos, just seven njonthsand eleven days, from the time he set 
rut from thence upon his voyage. The inhabitants all ran eager- 
jytothe shore to welcome their relations, and fellow-citizens, 
and to hear tidings of their voyage. 

AVhen the successful issue of it was known, wh.en they beheld 
the strange appearance of the Indians, the unknown animals, and 
s-ingular productions, of the newly discovered countries, the ef- 
fusi<m of joy vas unbounded. The hells v ere rung, the cannon 
iired : Columbus was received at landing wiih royal honours, and 
rdl the i^eople acc(>n.pan!ed hiin and hi< erew, in solemn proces- 
sion, tochuich, vhere they returned thanks to heaven, which 
1 ad so v(>ndeifuliy conducted, and crowned wiih success, 
{V voyage of greater length, and of more importance, than had 
been attempted in any former age. To add to the general joy 
La 1 inta, on the eveniiig of the day entered the harbour. Ferdi- 
rand and Isabella were at Barcelona, they were no less astonish- 
ed than delighted with th.e unexpected event: sent a messenger 
requesting him in terms tl«e most respectful, to repair immedi- 
ately to court, that from himself they might receive a full detail 
of his extraordinary services and discoveries. 

During his journey to Barcelona, the people flocked from the 
r.djacent country, following him with admiration and applause. 
}hs entrance into the city,"was conducted, by order of Ferdi- 
rand and Isabella with extreme pomp, suitable to the great event 
vhich added such distinguishing lustre to their reign. The peo- 
ple whon. he hrou^^ht along with him, the natives of the coun- 
tries he had discovered, marched first, and by their singular com- 
pkxion, th.e wild peculiarities of their features, and uncouth 
Jinejy, appeared like men of another species. Next to them were 



AMERICA, 31 

tarriedlthe ornaments cf gold, fashioned by the rude art of the 
lalives, grains of gold found in the mountains an<l rivers ; after 
ine^e appeared the various commodities of the new world and 
its curious productions : Columbus closed the procession and at- 
traeted tliecjes of all the spectators, who could not sufficiently 
admire tije man whose superior sagacity and fortitude, had con- 
ducted their countrymen by a route unknown to past ages, to the 
knowledge of a new country, abounding with riches, and fer- 
tile as the best cultivated lands in Spain. 

FerdinaTid and Isabella received him in their royal robes, seat- 
ed upon a throne under a magrdfjcent canopy. They stood up as 
he approaehed, and laised him as he kneeled to kiss their hands. 
He tlien took his seat on a chair prepnrcd for him, and by their 
joajesties* orders, j.;ave a circumstantial account of his voyage. 
lie delivered it with that composure and dignity, so suitable to 
the Spanish nation, and with that modest simplicity so charac- 
teristic of great m.inds, that satisfied with having performed p;reat 
actions, seeks not an ostentatious display of words to set them 
forth. When his narration was finished, the king and queen 
kneeled down and otlered up thanks to Almighty God, for the 
discovery of those new regions, from which they expected so 
niany advantages to flow into the kingdoms, subject to their gov- 
ernment. 

Coium.bus was invested with every mark of honour, tbatgrati- 
t ade or admiration could suggest, confirming; to him and his heirs 
the agreement made at tSanta Fe. His family was enobled, 
the king and queen and the whole court treated him on every 
ect-asion with all the ceremonious respect, usually paid to per- 
sons of the highest rank. An order was immediately made to equip 
without delay, an armament of such force, as mii^ht enable him 
to take pos«.ession of those countries which he had already dis- 
covered, as well as to search for those more opulent regions, 
which he still confidently expected to find. Columbus's fime now 
quickly spread over Europe, his successful voyage had excited 
general attention. 

Men, of science spoke of it with rapture, and congratulated 
<me another upon their felicity, in having lived at a period when 
the boundaries of human knowledge, were so much extended. 

Various opinions were formed, concerning the new found coun- 
tries, and what division of the earth they belonged to. Colum- 
I'us erroneously and tenaciously adhered to his original idea, 
that they were part of those vast regions of Asia, comprehended 
wnder t!ie general name of India : this sentiment gained strength 
from the productions of the countries he had discovered. G;»l(l 
was known to abound in India, of which precious metal he had 
brought some samples from the islands he had visited. 

Cotton, aaother production «jf the east; was corampn there. 



a2 histohy or 

The Pimento of the islands, he imaj^ined to be a species of the 
East India pepper. He mistook a root somewhat resf mblin^ 
rhiibaib, for tluit valuable drusr. which was then su))posetl to be 
a plant peculiar to the East Indies: the birds were adorned with 
the same rich pluniai»e, that distinjL:ui-;hts those of India. The 
animator of the *tne country, was considered as t'-e crocodile of 
tlie other. After weiohing; all these circumstances, the ditierent 
nations of Europe adopted the opinion of Columbus ; they con- 
sideied the countries he had discovered, as a part of India. 
- The name «>f West Indies, was therefore given to them, bv 
Ferdinand and Isabella even after the error was detected, and 
the true po.^ition of the new world know n : the nan e still re- 
mains, and the appciiaiion of West Indies is o;iven b} all the 
' people of Europe to the country, and that of Indians to its in- 
habitants. 

Tiie specimens of riches and the productions of the new 
country which Columbus produced were so aluring ; and the 
exao-iierated accour>ts of his companions (so natural to travellers) 
excited a wonderful spirit of enterprze amono; the J^paiiiards. 
Thoui;h unaccustomed to naval expeditions, they were easier to 
set out upon another voyage. Volunteers of all ranks v. ere anx- 
iously solicitous to be employed. The vast prospect which open- 
ed to their imau;inHtion, flattered their ambition and th.eir ava- 
rice : neither the danj^er, nor leno;th of the navi«iation intimidat- 
ed them. Feidinand's natural caution gave way to the torrent 
of public opinion : he seemed to have caught the same spirit w ith 
his subjects 

Another expedition was carried on with a rapidity unusual to 
the Spaniards. A fleet consistinj^ of seventeen ships was equip- 
ped : some of which were of j^ood burden : they had on b(»ard fittcen 
hui.dred persons, amon^ whom were many of noble finnilics, 
who had served in honourable stations. Most of these intend- 
ing to remain in the country, were t\jrnished with every thing 
necessary for corquest or settlement, with all kinds of domes- 
tie animals, and also seeds and plants, that were likely to thrive 
in the climate of the \\ est Indies, together with such utensils as 
mi.2;ht be useful in an infant colony : and artiticers were engag- 
ed to attend the expedition. 

But formidable and well provided as the fleet was, Ferdinand 
and Isabella, (slaves to the superstition of the fourteenth centu- 
ry) were not willinar to rest tiieir title to the possession of the 
newly discovered countries until they applied to the Romaa 
pontift*, who in that age was supposed to have a right of domin- 
ion over all the km^^doms of the earth. 

Alexander VI, a pontiff, infamous for every crime that dis- 
graces humanity, filled the papal throne at that time ; as he wag 
bora Ferdinand's subject; and solicitous to procure that monarch^* 



AMERICA, 23 

j;rotectiuu, in prosecuting his ambKious schemes, in favour of 
i.is own fiimil}', he instantly cofnpiietl with his recjuest. l?yan 
?.ct of liberality vhich cost him nothing, he bestowed upon Fer- 
dinand and Isabella all the countries inhabited by infidels which 
they had discovered, or should discover. And by virtue of that 
power which he pretended he derived from Jesus Christ, he vest- 
ed in the Crown of Castile a rij^ht to vast regions, to the posses- 
sion of v.'hich he was so far from having any title, that he was 
unacquainted with their situation, and even with their existence ; 
but that this grant should not seem to interfere with one he had 
made to the c?own of Portugal, he appointed that a line supposed 
to be draw n from pole to pole one hundred leagues to the westward 
cf the Azores should serve as a limit between'them : and in the 
pleriitude of his power, conferred all on the east of this imagi- 
nary line to the Portuguese, and all on the w^st of it upon the 
Spaniards. Zeal for propagatinj^ the Christian faith was the con- 
sideration employed by Ferdinand in soliciling this Bull, and 
pretended by Alexander to be his chief motive for granting it. 
Several friars, under the direction of Father Boyle, a Cataloni- 
an monk of great reputation, as apostolical vicar, were appoint- 
ed to accompany Columbus in this second expedition, who were 
to devote themselves to the instruction and conversion of the 
jiatives. Those who came over wiili Columbus, after being im- 
perfectly instructed in the Christian knowledge, were baptized 
with great solemnity : the king liimself, his son, and the chief 
pers(>ns of his court, standlns^ as their S]»onsers. 

Ferdinand and Isabella having now acquired a title, which ia 
that age was deemed completely valid, tiiere was nothing now 
retarded the departure of the iieet. Columbus was impatient to 
revisit the colony he had left, and pursue that career of glory, 
upon which he liad entered, lie set sail from the bay of Cadi/, 
on tl^e twenty-fifth day of September, 1493, and steered farther 
towards the south than in tiie fust expedition : by which he en- 
joyed more steadly the benefit of the regular winds, which pre- 
dominate between the tropics, and was carried towards a large 
cluster of Islands, situated considcra!)ly to the east of those which 
he had formerly discovered. 

On the second of November he made land, it w^as one of the 
Caribee or Leward islands, to which he gave the name of Dc- 
seada, on account of the impatience of his crew to discover some 
part of the New World. After this he touched successively at 
Domifiica, Marigalante, Guadaloupc, Antigua, St. John de Porto 
liico, and several other islands as he advanced towards the 
northwest. All these he found inhal)ited by that fierce race of 
people, whom Guacanahari had represented in such frightful 
rolours. From them the Spaniards met with such a reception as 
convinced tliem of their martial and daring sjsi/ it : and ther 



34 HISTORY OF 

found in their iiabitations the relics of those horrid feasts, vvhicli 
they had made upon the bodies of their enemies taken in war. 
Columbus, eager to know the state of the colony he had left, 
proceeded directly to Uispaniola. When he arrived oftNavidad, 
where he had left the thirty-eight men under the command of 
Arada, he was astonished that none of them appeared; and 
expected every moment to see them running with transports of 
joy to welcome their countrymen. 

Foreboding in his mind what had befallen tliem, he rowed in- 
stantly to land. All the natives from whom he mii^ht have re- 
ceived information, fled at his approach. The fort which he 
had built was demolished, and the tattered garments, the broken 
arms and utensils scattered about it, left no room to doubt con- 
cerning the unhappy fate of the garrison. 

Whde the Spardards w^re lan,enting over the sad memorials 
of their countrymen, a brother of the cazique Guacanahari ar- 
rived, who gave Columbus a particular detail of what had hap- 
pened after his departure from the island. The conduct of the 
Spaniards, and their familiar intercourse with the Indians, tend- 
ed to diminish that veneration with which they at first inspired 
them. 

As soon as the powerful restraints, which the presence and 
ftuthority of Columbus imposed was withdrawn, the garrison 
threw off all subordination to the officer whom he had leftin com- 
mand. They roamed as freebooters through the country ; the 
g(dd, the women, the provisions, were all the prey of these licen- 
tious oppressors : they extended their rapacity to every corner 
of the island. Gentle and timid as the inhabitants were, unpro- 
voked injuries at length rouzed their courage. 

The cazique of Cibao, whose territories the Spaniards chief- 
ly infested, on account of the gold which they contained, sur- 
prized and cut off several straggling parties. He next assembled 
his subjects, surrounded the fort, and set it on fire. Some of the 
Spaniards were killed in defending it, the rest peiished in at- 
tempting to escape, by crossing an arm of the sea. Guacanahari, 
who still retained his affection for the Spaniards, took up arms in 
their defence, and received a wound, by which he was still con- 
fined. 

Columbus, although he entertained some suspicions of the 
fidelity of Guacanahari, yet he consideted that this was not a 
proper time to inquire into his conduct: he, therefore, reject- 
ed the advice of several of his officers, who urged him to seize the 
person of that prince, and revenge the death of their country- 
men by attacking his subjects. He considered it necessary ta 
secure the friendship of some potentate of the country, in or- 
der to facilitate the settlement which he inteaded. Therefore, in 
order to prevent any future injury, he made choice of a more 



AMERICA. 35 

lieaUhj situation than that of Navidad. He traced out the plan 
of a town in a large plain before a spacious; ha>, «ind ku^M' eve- 
ry person put his hand to work on which their cofuinoii h^fety 
depended : the houses and ramparts were soon so far advanced 
by their united labour, as to afford theni shelter and se^'uitv. 

This beino; the first city founded in the ne\v world, by the Eu- 
it)peans, Columbus named it Isabella, in honour of his patroness, 
the queen of Castile. Columbus had to sustain all tliQ hardships 
in carrying on this necessary work, and encounter all the diffi- 
culties to which infant colonies are exposed, when they settle in 
an uncultivated country: he had also to contend with what was 
more difficult and insuperable, the laziness, the impatience, and 
the mutinous disposition of his followers. The natural inactiv- 
ity of the Spaniards, seemed to increase under the enervating' 
influence of a hot climate. Some of them were gentlemen un- 
used to bodily fatigue; they had engaged in the enterprize with 
the sanguine hopes, excited by the splendid and exaggerated ac- 
counts, of those who had returned with Columbus from his first 
voyage, conceiving that it was either the Cipango of Marco Polo, 
or the Ophirfrom whence Solomon imported those precious com- 
modities, which suddenly ditiused such immense riches through 
his kingdom. 

But when instead of that golden harvest, which they expected 
to reap without much toil or pains, they found their prospect of 
wealth was remote and uncertain : and, if attained, it must be 
by slow and persevering efforts of industry; the disappointment 
of their hopes occasioned such dejection of mind, as led to gen- 
eral discontent. In vain did Columbus endeavour to revive their 
spirils by expaciating on the fertility of the soil, and displayino- 
the specimens of gold daily brought in from the different parts oi 
the island. Their patience was too much exhausted to wait the 
gradual returns of the former, and they despised the latter as 
scanty and inconsiderable. 

A conspiracy was formed, which threatened fatal consequen- 
ces to Columbus, and the colony. Fortunately he discovered it, 
and seized the ringleaders; some of them he punished, and 
sent the others prisoners to Spain ; with these he sent twelve 
ships, which had served as transports, with an earnest request 
for a reinforcement of men, and a large supply of provisions. 

That the people might not have leisure to brood over their dis- 
appointments, and nourish a spirit of discontent, he sent them 
on several expeditions into the interior pnrt of t!ie country. One 
detachment he sent under the command of Alonzo de Ojeda. an 
enterprising officer, to visit the district of Cibao, Which was said 
to 3 ield the greatest quantity of gold ; and foliovved himself with 
the main body of the troops. He displayed in this expedition, 
all the pojnp of n.ilitary parade, in order to strike the ima- 



$a HISTORV Oi^ 

gination of the natives : he marched with colours flying, mariiai 
luusie and a small body of cavalry, that sometimes appeared in 
front and sometimes in the rear. The horses were objects of 
terror, no less than admiration, to the Indians, who were unac- 
quainted with that vast accession of power, which man had ac- 
quired by subjecting them to his dominion. They considered 
them as one animal with their riders : they were astonished at 
their speed, and deemed iheir strength and impetuosity irresista- 
ble. 

Notvvithstandinaj this display of power, wisely intended to in- 
spire the na'ives with a high idea of the strength of the Span- 
iards, Columbus did not neglect the art of gaining their love 
and confidence He adhered strictly to the principles of in- 
legfity and justice, in ad his transactions with them, and treat- 
ed them on every occasion, with humanity and indulgence. 

The district of Cibao was mountainous and uncultivated : in 
every brook and river gold was gathered, either in dust or 
grains; some of which were of considerable size. The Indians 
had never penetrated into (he bowels of the earth, in search of 
gold ; they had neither capacity nor inclination to refine the rude 
ore ; these were operations too complicated for their talents or 
industry: neiiher did they wish to put their ingenuity and inven.* 
tion upon the stretch, in order to obtain it. 

The Spaniards, however, no longer doubted that the country 
contained rich treasures in its hovvels, of whicii they soon expect- 
ed to he masters. The account of these promising appearances 
of wealth, in the country of Cibao, comforted the desponding 
colony, which was afilicted with distresses of various kinds. Pro- 
visions became scarce, and what remained was corrupted by the 
heat and humidity of the climate, so as to render it unfit for use. 
The ground the natives cultivated, was insuflicient for their own 
subsistence, and the Spaniards had neither time nor leisure, to 
reap any considerable fruits from their own industry. 

They now became afraid of perishing with hunger, and were 
reduced to live at short allowance. Diseases prevalent in the 
torrid zone, began to spread amongst them ; alarmed at their 
violence and unusual symjjitoms, they exclaimed against Colum- 
bus and the cou.'panions of his former voyuge, who, by their exag- 
gerated descriptions of HispaTiK.la, had allured them from their 
native country, to bcttle in a barbarous uncultivated land, to die 
either by famine or of unknown distempers. I'hese complaints 
came not only from the con^mon people, but several officers and 
persons of note, joined i^n these , seditious complaints: father 
Eoyle, the ajiusiolic vicar, was one of the most tuibulent and 
outrageous. It lequired all the authority and address of Colum- 
bus, to re-e.^tabiish order ard trancjuilitj m the colony. But the 
prospect of wealth, from the mines of Cibao, contributed to 



AMERICA. S7 

soothe the malecontents, which they hoped would be a recompense 
for all their suiferings, and efface the memory of past disappoint- 
ments. When concord and order, were in a good degree estab- 
lished, Columbus resolved to pursue his discoveries, that he might 
be able to ascertain whether those new countries with which he 
had opened a communication, were connected with any region 
of the earth already known, or whether they were to be consid- 
ered as a separate part of the g;lobe, hitherto unvisited. 

He appointed his brother, Don Diego Columbus and a council 
of officers, to assist to govern the island in his absence. To Don 
Pedro Margarita, he gave the command of a body of troops, with 
whom he was to visit the different parts of the island, and endea- 
vour to establish the authority of the Spaniards. Having left 
them particular instructions vith respect to their conduct, he 
weighed anchor the twenty fourth of April, taking with him one 
ship and two small vessels. 

Durin* this voyage, he experienced all the hardships to which 
persons of his profession are commonly exposed, and notwith- 
standing he was out five months, made no additional discovery, 
except the island of Jamaica, which appeared beaudful in the ex- 
treme. As he sailed on this unknown course, he was entangled 
among rocks and shelves, retarded by contrary winds, assaulted 
by furious storms, and with terrible thunder and lightning, which 
is almost incessant, between the tropics. To add to his distress, 
his provisions fell short. His crew exhausted with fatigue and 
hunger, murmured and threatened : and were ready to proceed 
to Ihe most desperate extremities against him. 

Danger appearing in various forms, kept him on continual 
watch ; to issue every order, and superintend the execution of it. 
At no time were his skill and experience more severely tried ; 
to these the squadron owed its safety. Though naturally of a 
vigorous and robust constitution, such unremitted fatigue of body, 
and intense application of mind, brought on a pestilential fever, 
terminating in a lethargy, which considerdbiy impaired his reason 
and his memory, and nearly deprived him of his life. In this 
dilemma, the crew determined to return with all possible haste 
to Isabella, which they effected in five days : Coluuibus recover- 
ed his senses, on the abating of the fever, but he remained a con- 
siderable time in a feeble state. Here, to his inexpressible joy, 
he found his brother Bartholomew, which greatly contributed to 
his recovery. It was now thirieen years, since the two brothers 
had separated, and during that space had no intercourse with 
each other. 

Bartliolomew, after concluding his negociation at the court of 
England, had set out for spam, by the way of France. At Paris 
he first received the account of the discoveries his brother had 
made, in his first voyage, and that he was preparing to embark 

D 



5S HlSTOUy OF > 

on a second expedition. This intelligenc^j^iade iiim pursue his 
journey with the utmost despatch : but Columbus hatl sailed be- 
fore he reached Spain. 

Ferdinand and Isabella received hira, with the respect due to 
the brother of a man, wliose services and merit had rendered 
him so conspicuous: and as they knew what consolation it would 
afford Columbus, they persuaded him to take the command of 
three ships, which they had appointed to carry provisions to the 
new colony. 

Columbus never stood more in need of such a friend to assist 
him, with his counsel, or of dividing with him liie cares of gov- 
ernment. "For although the provisions, now brought from Eu- 
rope, proved a temporary relief, from the calamities of famine, 
the quantity was too small to last them long, and the produce of 
the island was insufiicient to support them. They were also 
threatened with a datiger more formidable than the return of 
scarcity : and which demanded more immediate. attention. 

When Columbus was absent from the island, on this last expe- 
dition, the soldiers under the command of Margarita, contemned 
all subordination, but dispersed in straggling' parties over the 
island, lived at discretion on the natives, wasted their provisions, 
seized their women, and treated those inoffensive people, with all 
the insolence of military oppression. Wiiiie the Indians retained 
any hopes of their sufferings couiing to an end, by the voluntary 
departure of their invaders they submitted in silence, and dissem- 
oled their indignation : but, now that they discovered the yoke 
would be as permanent as it was intoleral3le ; self preservation, 
prompted them to assume courage, and attack their oppressors 
with united force, and drive them from the settlements, of which 
they had violently taken possession. Such were the sentiments, 
which universally prevailed amongst the Indians, when Colum- 
bus returned to Isabella, froni his last expedition. 

Inflamed, and justly irritated, by the outrages of the Spaniards, 
with a degree of rage, of which their gentle natures seomed hard- 
ly susceptible, they waited only for a signal from their leaders, to 
lall upon the colony. Some of the caziques had already sur- 
prised, and cut off several stragglers. The dread of impending 
danger united the Spaniards, and re-established the authority of 
Columbus, as they saw no prospect of safety, but in committing 
themselves to his prudent guidance. 

It was now become necessary, to have recourse to arms; an 
event, Columbus had anxiously wished to avoid. The vast su- 
periority of the natives in number, compensated in a great mea- 
sure their want of lire arms; one unforeseen event, might have 
proved fatal to the Spaniards. Conscious that success depended 
on the rapidity and vigour of his operations, Culumbus instantly 
assembled his forces, whicliwere reduced to a very small niun- 



Ai\iERlCA. Gb 

her. two [iuntlreti ibot, twenty horse, and as many large dogs, 
were all the force he could muster, against (agreeable to the Span- 
ish accounts,) one hundred thousand Indians. Although it may 
seem strange, to mention dogs as composing part of a military 
force, they were perliaps, as formidable and destructive as so 
many men in arms, when employed against naked and timifl 
Indians. 

All the caziqucs of the island, (Guacanahari excepted, who 
still retained an inviolable attachment to the Spaniards,) were in. 
arms to oppose Columbus. Instead of attempting to draw the 
Spaniards into the woods and mountains, they were so imprudent, 
as to take their station in the most open plain in the country, 
Columbus did not allow them time to perceive their mistake, or 
to alter their position. He attacked them during the night, and 
obtained an easy and bloodless victory. 

The noise and havoc made by the iire arms ; the impetuous 
force of the cavalry, and the fierce onset of the dogs, was so 
great that the Indians were filled with consternation : they threw 
down their arms, and fled without making any resistance: many 
of them were slain, more were taken prisoners, and reduced to 
slavery. From that moment they abandoned themselves to des- 
pair, and relinquished all thouglits of contending with aggressors, 
whom they deemed invincible. Humanity must lament the sad 
reverse of that unhappy race, who had enjoyed the free and un- 
molested enjoyment of their native woods ; their wants were sup- 
plied by the spontaneous productions of the earth ; but now a race 
unknown had invaded their country, and forced them to submit 
to exactions unthought oi", and arbitrary impositions, which they 
were by no means enabled to comply with, consistent with their 
ideas of perfect liiDcrty. 

Columbus employed several months in the year 1495, in march- 
ing through the island, and in subjecting it to the Spanish govern- 
ment without meeting with any opposition. He imposed a tax 
upon all the inhabitants above the age of fourteen : each person 
who resided in the district where gold was to be found, was 
obliged to pay quarterly as much gold dust as would fill a hawk's 
bill; from others, twenty-fi.ve pounds of cotton were demanded. 
This served as a precedent for exactions still more oppressive. 
Contrary as these exactions were to the maxims which Columbus 
had hitherto inculcated, yet the intrigues carried on at the court 
of Spain at this juncture, with the manifest design to undermine 
his power, and discredit his operations, constrained him to de- 
part from his own system of administration. 

Several unfavourable accounts of his conduct, as well as the 
eountries, discovered by him, had been transmitted to Spain. 
Margarita and Father Boyle were at court, and in order to gratifv 
their resentment, v/atched with malevolent attention for oppor- 



40 HiSTORl Oh V 

■ -^■--^ 

tunities to spread insinuations tohisdisad^^tage. Several others 
about the court viewed his arrowing reputHtibh with envious eyes. 
Fonscca, the archdeacon of Seville, vvho was intrusted with the 
chief direction of Indian affairs, for some reasons not made pub- 
lic, listened with impartiality to every inveciive. 

ft was not easy for an uniViended stranger, unpractised In the 
courtly arts, to counteract the mathir.ations of such pow erful ene- 
mies. There remained but one mrthod to support tiis credit, and 
silence his enemies, he nvust produce such a (luantity (»f gold, as 
would justify his reports, with respect to the richness of the coun- 
try ; the necessity of obtaining it, forced him not only to impose 
this heavy tax upun the Indians, but to exact payment of it with 
extreme rigour; ,and furnished him with a plausible excuse for 
departingfrom that mildness and humanity, with which he had 
uniformly treated that unhappy people. 

This imposition appeared the mcsst intollerable of all evils ; ac- 
customed to pass their days in a careless m.anner, tins restraint 
upon their liberty was so grievous, that they had recourse to an ' 
expedient to deliver themselves from a yoke, imposed upon them 
by a handful of strangers ; to whom tliey were under no obligations. 

Their impatience and despair prompted them to fall upon an 
expedient, which to them appeared an infallible method to rid 
them of their troublesome neighbours. They agreed to suspend 
all agricultural operations, and from the voracious appetites of 
the Spaniards, concluded the execution of it very practicable. 

They pulled up the Manioc roots that were planted, and plant- 
ed no Maize ; and retired to the most inaccessible parts of the 
v/oods, leaving the uncultivated plains to their enemies. 

This desperate resolution produced some of the eiFects intend- 
ed ; the Spaniards were reduced to great want; but they re- 
ceived some seasonable supplies from Europe, and found so many 
resources in their own ingenuity and industry, that they suffered 
no great loss of men. 

The Indians were ihe greatest sufferers by this ill concerted 
policy. Shut up among barren mountains, without sny food but 
the wild productions of the earth, distressed by famine, conta- 
gious diseases were the consequence: and in the course of a few 
months, more than a third part of the inhabitants perished. ' 

Columbus now began to have serious thoughts of returning to 
Spain. His enemies at court had gained considerable influence : 
they represented his prudent care to preserve discipline and sub- 
ordinati(m, as excess of rigour ; the punishments he inflicted upon 
the mutinous and disorderly, were imputed to cruelty ; and he 
was represented as inconsiderately ambitious: these accusations 
obtained such credit in a jealous court, that a commissioner was 
appointed to repair to Hispaniola, to inspect into the conduct of 
Columbus. 



AMEttiCA. 41 

By the inlluciice of.iils enemies, Aguado, a groom of tlie bed 
chamber, was made choice of, upon this occasion ; a man whose 
capacity was by no means fit for the station. Pulled u[) with such 
sud(ien*^and unexpected elevation, Aouado disphiyed all tliat fri- 
volous self importance and insolence, natural to little minds, in 
the exercise ot his ofrice. He listened with eagerness to every 
accusation against Columbus, and encouraged, not only the evil 
disposed among the Spaniards, but also the Indians; by v/hich 
partial conduct he fomented jealousies and dissentionsin the col- 
ony, wthoute^taiilishino; any regulations for the public good : and 
\shile he wished to loa<i the administration of the admiral with 
disi;race, placed an indelible stain upon his own. 

(Joluuibus sensibly felt how hun^iiliating his situation must be, 
if he remained under the controul of such a partial inspector. He 
thercf:)re took the resolution of returning to Sjjain, in order to 
give a full account of his transactions, with respect to the points in 
dispute bet'vveen him and his adversaries, before Ferdinand and 
Isabella. He committed the administration of his alfairs during 
his absence to his Brother Don Bartholomev/, with the title of 
Adelantado. or lieutenant governor; and Francis Roldaa chief 
justice, with very extensive powers. 

In returning to Europe, Columbus held a diflTereat course to 
what he had taken in his former voyage. He steered almost due 
east from Ilispaniola in the parallel of t-venty-two degrees of lat- 
itude ; as tic was unacquainted with the more expeditious method 
of stretching to the north, whereby he would have fallen in with 
the soiith-west winds. By v/hich mistake he was exposed to very 
great fatigue anddans^er; and had to struggle with the trade 
winds which blow without variation from the east, between the 
tropics. 

He ncvertlieless persisted in his course with his usual patience 
an«l firjuness, but made so little way, that he was three months 
before he came within sij^ht of land. Provisions at last began 
to fail; they were reduced to the allowance of six ounces of 
bread a day for each person : Vat admiral faring no better thaa 
the meanest sailor. 

In this extreme distress he retained that humanity which dis- 
tinguished his character; and refused to comply with the press- 
ing solicitations of his crew to feed upon the Indian prisoners, 
M'hom they were carrying over : others insisted that they should be 
thrown overboard, in order to lessen the consumption of provi- 
sions. He objected to their destruction, alledging that they v^^ere 
human beings, reduced to the same calamities with themselves 
and entitled to share an equal fate. These arguments backed by 
his authority, dissipated those wild ideas suggested by despair": 
soon after, they came in sight of Spain, and all their troubles and 
fears vanished, 

D.2 



&. HISTORY OF 

Columbus, conscious of his own integrity, appeared at court 
Wth that delertiuned confidence, which tliose who have perforni- 
edgreat actions, will ahvavs assume. Ferdinand and Isabella 
ashamed of lending too favouValde an ear to frivolous and ill found- 
ed accusations, received him with such distinguished marks of 
respect, as ovcrtv helmed liis enemies with shame. Their calum- 
ny and censures were not heard at that juncture. 

The gold, the pearls, the cotton, aud other rich commodities 
which Columbus produced, seemed fully to refute the stories the 
malecontents had propagated with respect to the poverty of the 
country. By reducing the Imlians to obedience and imposing a 
rei»;ular tax upon them, he had secured to Spain a large accession 
of new su!)jects^ and a revenue tliat promised much. By the 
mines w^hich he had found out and exandned, a source ef wealth 
was still more copiously openecju 

Columbus represented these only as preludes to future and 
w.Mch larger ac({uisitions, and as an earnest of moie important 
discoveries. The attentive consideration of all these circum- 
stances made such an irupression upon Ferdinand and Isabella, 
that they resolved to supply the colony with every thing necessa- 
ry to render it a permanent establishment, and to furnish Colum- 
bus with s^'h a fleet, that he might proceed to make such dis- 
coveries as he meditated. 

A plan was now formed of a regular colony, that might serve 
as a model for all future establisbu)ents. Every particular was 
i'on^idered with attention, and ariarged with scrupulous accura- 
cy. The exact number of adventurers who should be permitted 
to embark v\as lixed : these were to be of different ranks and p-o- 
fessions; and the proportion of each v. as established, according 
U' their usefulness and benefit to tbe colony. A proper number 
of women weie chosen "to accompany <hese new settlers. 

As a want of provision had occasioned great distress in the col- 
ony, a number of husbandmen were to be carried over. Asthey 
hatJ formed and entertained the moit sanguine hopes with respect 
to the riches contained in the mines, a number cf artists were en- 
gaged v\ho were skilful iu lefining the precious metals ; who were 
to receive pay from the government far a number of years. 

Thus far the rejiulations vere well adapted to the end in view ; 
but as it was foreseen that few would engage to eml^ark to settle 
in a country that had proved «o fatal to many of t^eir country- 
men, ColunibuB pro})Osed to employ such convicts and malefae- 
tors who were c» nvicttd of erimes, vhich, though capital, vcre ol 
a less ettrocii^'ys nature: and instead of sending them to the 
gallies, they should be condemned to labour in the mines which 
were to be opened. This advii^e was inconsiderately adopted; 
the prisons were drained to collect members for the intended col- 
CDv ; and the judges were instructed to^ recruit it by their_futur<: 



AMERICA. 4b 

sentences. But Ihev were not aware that such corrupt members 
V fjkl poison ihe boay politic, and be productive of violent and 
unhappy eftVcts. 

This the Spaniards f:itally experienced, and other European 
powers imitated iheir j>racti(*e, from wliich pernicious consequen- 
ces have f(»lio\ved, and can be imputed to no other cause. 

Columbus easily obtained the royal apnrol)ation to every mea- 
sure and regulation he proposed : but his endeavours to carry 
them into execution, were lony; retarded, and must have tired 
out any man of less paiience than hiiaself. Those delays were 
occasioned, partly by that tedious procrastination, so natural to 
the Spaniards; partly by tha exhausted state of the treasury, 
wh/ich at that time was drained by the celebration of the marriage 
of Ftrtiinand and Isabella's only son, uith iSlargaret of Austria; 
and that of Joanna, their daughter, with Philip of Austria: but 
tlie chief source of all these delays, must principally be imputed 
to the malice of his ene»iiies. 

These, astonislied at the reception Columbus had met with, and 
overawed by his presence, gave way for some time, to a tide 
of favour too strong for them to oppose. Their enmity hovvever, 
was too strong to remain long inactive: but by the assistance of 
Fonseca, minister for Indian atfairs, w!io was now promoted to be 
bishop of Badajos, they threw in so many obstacles, that the pre- 
parations were retarded one whole year, befoi-e he could procure 
tv. ships, to send over a part of the supplies intended for the col- 
ony ; and near two years were spent before the small squadron 
was ready, of which he waste take the command. This squad- 
ron consisted of six ships of no great burden, and indifterently 
provid'rid for a long voyage. 

He now meditated a dillerent course from v/hat he had before 
undertaken: stili possessed with those erroneoiis ideas, which at 
iirst induced hiin to consider the country he had discovered, as 
a part of the coniinent of India : he expected to find those fertile 
regions to the south-west of the countries he had discovered. He 
therefore proposed, as the niost certain for finding out these to 
stand directly for the Cape de Yerd islands, until he came under 
the equinoctial line, and then to stretch to tlie west before a fa- 
vournble wind vvhich blows invariably betv/een the tropics. 

Full of this idea he sel sail for his third voyage, on the thirtieth 
of Mavj 1498, and touched at the Canaries and Cape de Veid 
Inlands; from Ferro he despatched three of his ships with a sup- 
ply of provisions for the colony of Hispaniola, with the other 
three he pursued his course to the south. 

No remarkable occurrence happened until they arrived within 
five degrees of the line, when they were becalmed, and the heat 
was so excessive that the Spaniards were apprehensive the ships, 
would lake fire j their fears were relieved by a shower of raiP;, 



44 HISTORY OF 

but did not much abate the heat. The adojiral was so fatigued 
by unremittino- care and loss of sleep, that^e was seized with a 
violent fit cf the gout and a fever. 

These ciicumstances induced him to listen to the remonstran- 
cesi of his men, and to altar his course to the north west, that he 
nii;:i»i reach some of tiie Caribre islands, where he might refit, and 
obtain a fresh supj3ly of provisions. 

On the first of August, the man stationed in the round-top, sur- 
prized them wiih the joyful cry of Laud.' Coluuibus named it 
Trinidad, which nan)e it still retains; it lies near the mouth of 
i\\Q river Oronoco, on the coast of Guiana. This river rolls to- 
wards the ocean such a vast body of water, and with such an 
impetuous force, that when it meets ihe tide, which on that coast 
rises to an uncommon height, occasions such a swell and agita- 
tion, that it is both surprising and formidable. 

Columhus, before he was aware of the danger, was entangled 
A^ith those adverse currents, and OMcd his safety by boldly ven- 
turinj? through a narrow strait which appeared so tremendous, 
tliat he called it La Boca del Drag-o: no sooner was the con- 
sterr.ation subsided, than Columbus drew conifort and consolation 
from a circumstance, so full of peril. He wisely concluded that 
such a vast body of water, could not be supplied bj any island, 
but must fio'v through a country of immense extent, and that he 
had now in consequence, arrived at that country, which had been 
the main object of Ins pursuit. 

Full of this idea, he stood to the west along the coast of those 
provinces, now known by the names of Paria and Cumana. He 
landed in several places, and found the inhabitants resembled 
those of Hispaniola,; tliey wore, as ornaments, small places of 
gold and pearls of considerable value, which they willingly ex- 
changed for Kuropean toys. Their understanding and courage 
appeared superior to the inhabitants of the islands. 

This country produced four-footed animals of different kinds, 
and a great variety of fowls and fruit. The admiral v\as so much 
delighted with its fertility, that with the warm enthusiasm of a 
discoverer, he imajiined it to be the paradise described in Scrip- 
ture, vyhich the Almighty had chosen for the residence of man, 
\\hile he was innocent and worthy of such a possession. 

Thus., Columbus had the glory of discovering a new world, 
making considerable progress towards a perfect knowledge of it, 
and was the first man who conducted the Spaniards to that vast 
settlement, which has been the chief seat of their empire, and 
source of their treasures. The weak situation of his ships, scar- 
city of provisions, and his own infirmities, together with the im- 
patience of his crew, made it necessary for him to steer away for 
Hi'-paniola. On the thirtieth of August, 1498, he reached that 
island J and fouu'4 the colony in such a siiuation, as left him no 



AMERICA. 46 

prospect oi enjoying that repose, which he stood so much in need 
of. Many changes had happened, during his absence. His bro- 
ther, the Adelantado, agreeable to former instructions, had re- 
moved the colony from Isabella, to a more convenient station, 
on the opposite side of the island, and laid the foundation of the 
town of St. Domingo. 

As soon as they were established in this new settlement, the 
Adelantado, to prevent the people from forming new cabals, 
marched into other parts of the island, which his brother had 
not yet reduced to obedience ; as the people were unable to resist, 
they submitted every where to the tribute imposed. While the 
Adelantado was thus employed, an alarming mutiny broke out, 
among the Spaniards : the ring-leader was Francis Roldan, who 
was placed by Columbus, to be the guardian of order and tran- 
quility, in the colony. 

The arguments he employed to seduce his countrymen, were 
frivolous and ill-founded. He accused Columbus and his three 
brothers of arrogance and severity. He insinuated that they 
aimed at establishing an independent dominion in the country : 
for this purpose, they designed to cut off part of the Spaniards, 
by hunger and fatigue, that they might, the more easily, reduce 
the remainder to subjection; he said, it was unworthy of Cas- 
tilians, to be the tame and passive slaves of three Genoese ad- 
venturers. 

By these insidious means, strengthened by his rank, a deep 
impression was made on the minds of his countrymen, already 
prepared to receive unfavourable impressions. A considerable 
number made choice of him, foi-* their leader, and took up arms 
against the Adelantado and his brother, seized the king's maga- 
zine of provisions, and endeavoured to surprize the fort at St. 
Domingo. This was preserved by the vigilance of Don Diego 
Columbus. The mutineers were obliged to retire to the province 
of Xaragua, where they continued, not only to oppose the Ade- 
lantado's authority themselves, but excited the Indians to throw 
off the yoke. 

Such was the distracted state of the colony, when Columbus 
arrived. He was astonished to find that the three ships, which 
he had despatched from the Canaries had not yet arrived. By 
want of skill in the pilots, and the violence of Ihe currents* they 
had been carried one hundred and sixty miles west of St. 
Domingo, and forced to take shelter in the harbour of the pro- 
vince of Xaragua, where Roldan and his seditions followers were 
cantoned. Roldan carefully concealad from the commanders, 
Ins insurrection against the Adelantado, and employed all his art 
to gain their confidence, persuaded them to set on shore, a con- 
siderable part of the new settlers, whom they brought over, that 
they might proceed by land to St. Domingo. 



4(i tllSTORY OF 

It required no great- argument \vith those men, to espouse his 
cause. They were the refuse of the jails oi" Spain. These were 
familiariztd to deeds of violence, and eagerly returned to a course 
of life to which the^^ had been accnstonied. The commanders of 
the ships were convinced, when it was too late, of their impru- 
dence, and stood away for St. Domingo, and got safe into port 
a few days after their admiral. - 

^ Ihese ships brought but small relief to the colony, their pro- 
visions beins,' much reduced, by the length of the voyage. Roldan, 
by the additional force of his new assDcfates, became extremely 
formidable, and ex-ravapnt in his demands. Columbus, filled 
with resentment at bis ingratitude, and highly incensed at the 
insolence of his followers, yet appeared in no haste to take the 
field. He trembled at the thoughts of kindling the fiames of ci- 
vil war. He saw wilh regret, that the prejudices and passions 
which had excited the rebels to take arms, had infected those 
who still adhered to him, and were all cold to the service. He 
therefore chose to negociate rather than fight. By a seasonable 
proclamation, oft'ering free pardon to such as returned to their 
duty, he made impressions on some of the malecontents. To those 
who were desirous of returning to Spain, he gave full liberty : by 
this he allured all those that were disgusted With the country, 
and disappointed in their views. He soothed Roldan's pride, by 
promising to restore him to his former ofliee ; and by complying 
with the commands of others, he satisfied their avarice. Thus 
gradually, and without bloodshed, after several tedious negoci- 
ations, he dis&olved a confederacy that threatened ruin to the 
colony, and restored order and regular' 2;overnment. 

This mutinous disposition in the people, prevented Columhus 
from prosecuting his discoveries on the continent. As soon as 
his attairs would permit, he sent some of his ships to Spain, with 
an account of the voyage he had made, together Mith a descrip- 
tion of the countries, which he had discovered ; a chart of the 
coast along which he sailed; also specimens of the gold, pearls, 
and other curiosities f(»und there. At the same time he trans- 
mitted an account of the insurrection in Hispaniola. Roldan and 
his followers, did not neglect to convey to Spain, by the same 
ships, an apology for their conduct, and recriminated upon the 
admiral, and his brothers. ,^ / 

Unforfunately for the honour of Spain, and the happiness of 
Columhus, Roldan gained the most credit at court, and produc- 
ed unexpected events. The perpetual occupation and disquiet, 
which the malecontents in the colony gave him, prevented him 
from attending to the machinations of his enemies, in the court 
of Spain. Several of these had embraced the opportunity of re- 
turning to Europe, in the ships Columbus had despatched from. 
St. Domino;o. 



^AMEIliCA. 4? 

Inflamed with ra2;e at the disappointment of all their hopes, 
heir poverij and distress excited compassion, and gave their ac- 
Jiisations the appearance of probability, and made tiieir com- 
jlaints interesting. They teazed Ferdinand and Isabella, with 
nemorials, containing an account of their own grievances, and 
charges against Columbus. Whenever the king and queen ap- 
peared in public, they were surrounded by a crowd of petitioners, 
Icmanding payment of arrears due to them, and vengeance on 
Columbus, as the author of their sufferings. The admiral's sons 
tvere insulted wherever they met theuj. reproaching (hem as the 
jifspring of a projector, whose fatal curiosity had discovered 
those pernicious regions, which drained Spain of its wealth, 
and would prove the grave of its people. 

Tljcse endeavours to ruin Colunjbus, were powerfully second- 
ed by that party of courtiers, who had always thwarted his 
schemes, and v/ere stu?ig with envy at his success and credit. 

Ferdinand listened with a willing and partial ear to every 
accusation : time had now diminished the first sensations of joy, 
which the discovery of the New World had occasioned, and fame 
alone was not suHicient to satisfy the cold and avaricious mind 
of Ferdinand. lie considered Spain as a loser by the enterprize 
bf Columbus, and imputed it to his incapacity for government, 
that a country abounding in gold, had not yielded a greater val- 
ue to its conquerors. Even Isabella began to give way to the 
uumber and boldness of his accusers, and concluded, that there 
must have been some occasion, on his part, thatcaused such heavy 
complaints against him. This was no sooner known than a 
lesoluiion fatal to Columbus was taken. 

. Francis de Bovadilla, a knight of Calatrava, was appointed to 
repair to Hispaniola, with fuli powers to inquire into the conduct 
of Columbus; and if he found the charge of mal-administration 
proved against him, to supercede him in the government. It was 
impossible for Columbus to escape condemnation, when this pre- 
j posterous commission made it the interest of the judge to find him 
guilty. 

] Though Columbus had restored tranquility in the island, though 
:he had brought both Spaniards and Indians, to submit quietlylo 
[his government, y^it the interested Bovadilla, without attending 
to the merit of^^^hose services, shewed a determined purpose of 
treating him stik criminal. He seized the admiral's house in St. 
Dotningo, when he was absent, with all his efleets; he rendered 
himself master of ihe fort and the king's stores, by violence; and 
required all persons to aeknowledgie him as supreme governor: 
'he set at liberty all the prisoners cOnlined by the admiral ; and 
summoned him to appear before his tribunal to answer for his 
conduct, sending him at tlie same time a copy of toe royal 
mandate,., by whicli^Columbus was enjoined to yield implicit obe- 
dience to his commands.. 



4S HISTORY OF 

Columbus, though deeply affected with the ingratitude and in- 
justice ut Ferdinand and Isabella, submitted with a respectful 
saeuce to the will of his sovereigns, and repaired directly to the 
court of that violent and partial judge. Bovadilla, without ad- 
mitting him to his presence, ordered him instantly to be arrested^ 
loaded with chains, and hurried on board a ship. Under this hu- 
miliating reverse of fortune, that firmness of mind which had 
hitherto supported him did not* forsake him. Conscious of his 
own integrity, and solacing himself with the s;reat ihings he had 
acnieyed, he endured this insult, not only with that composure, 
but dignity that surprized and overawed his enemies. 

BovaiiiUa, to excuse his own conduct and to load Columbus wi(h 
infamy, encouraged all persons, however infamous, to lod^e in- 
formations, though false and inconsistent, against him ; outot these 
Bovadilla collected materials to support an accusation, which he 
transmitted to {Spain, at the same titne that he ordered Columbus 
and his two brothers to be carried thither in fetters. And added 
the cruel insult of confining the brothers in diiferent ships, ex- 
cluding them from that friendly intercourse, which might have 
soothed them under sucli accumulated distress. 

But although the Spaniards in Hispaniola approved of the arbi- 
trary and cruel proceedings of Bovadilla, there was one man who 
still remembered how much his countrymen were indebted to 
Columbus ; and was touched with pity for the man who had 
performed such great actions. This was Alonzo de Valejo, the 
captain ot the vessel on board of which the admiral was confined. ' 
As soon as he was clear of the island, he approached his prisoner 
with great respect, and offered to r^ease him from the fetters 
with which he was so unjustly loaded. " No," replied Columbus, 
with a noble indignation, " 1 wear these irons in consequence of 
" an order froni luy sovereigns ; they shall find me as obedient to 
*' this, as to their other injunctions. By their command I am 
" brought into this situation, and their command alone, shall set 
'• meat libert}'." 

The vo}dge to Spain was fortunately very short. As soon as % 
Ferdinand and Isabella were informed that Columbus was brought * 
hoiiic a prisoner, in chains, they felt the necessity of disavowing 
all such inhuman proceedings. They saw that all Europe would 
be tilitd with indignation at such ungenerous conduct towards a 
man lo whom they were so much indebted, and who had per- 
form ed actions v.orthy of the highest recompense. Ashamed of 
thei. own ccnduct, and eager tu make some reparation for this 
injury, as wcil as to efface the stain upon their own characters, 
thej insiaiiil^ issued orders to set Columbus at liberty; invited 
hiui tu cuuit . and remitted money to enable him to appear there 
in a Oidmici suitaOie to tiis rank 

W hen he c»ihe inio the rojal presence, the various passions 



AMERICA. 49 

which agitated his mind, for a time suppressed the power of ut- 
terance. He at length recovered himself, and justified his con- 
duct by producing the fullest proof of his innocence and integri- 
ty: and exposed the evil designs of his enemies. Who, not con- 
tented with having ruined his fortune, aimed adeadlj blow at 
his honour and fame. He was treated by Ferdinand with decent 
civility : by Isabella with tenderness and respect. They con- 
curred in expressing their sorrow for the treatment he had so un- 
justly received, disavowed their knowledge of it, and promised 
him protection and future favour. 

Bovadilla was instantly degraded, that all suspicion might be 
removed from themselves, as authors of such disgraceful and vio- 
lent proceedings : yet they refused to restore to Columbus those 
privileges before granted him as viceroy : and -which he so just- 
ly merited. Though willing to appear the avengers of Colum- 
bus's wrongs, a mean illiberal jealousy still subsisted. To a 
man who had discovered and put them in possession of a country, 
that was the source of envy to all Europe, they were afraid to 
trust: they retained him at court, under various pretexts; and 
appointed Nicholas de Ovando, a knight of the military order of 
Alcantara, governor of Hispaniola. This ungenerous conduct 
exasperated Columbus to such a decree, that he could no longer 
conceal the sentiments which it excited. Wherever he went, he 
carried about with him the fetters with which he had been loaded. 
He had them hung up in his chamber, and he gave orders that 
when he died, they should be buried with him. 

Notwithstanding this ungenerous treatment of Columbus, the 
Spirit of discovery continued active and vigorous. Roderigo de 
Bastidas, and John de la Cosa, fitted out two ships in company; 
the latter having served under Columbus in two of his voyages, 
was deemed the most skilful pilot in Spain. They peered di- 
rectly for the continent, and arrived on the coast of Paria, and 
continuing from thence west, discovered the coast of the pro- 
vince now called Terra Firuia, from Cape de Vala, to the gulf 
of Darien. 

Not long after Ojeda, with Amerigo Vespucci, set out on a se- 
oond voyage, and held the same course with the former, and 
touched at the same places. 

The voyage of Bastidas was prosperous and lucrative: that 
of Ojeda unfortunate. But both tended to increase the ardour 
of discovery ; for, in proportion as the Spaniards becaoie ac- 
quainted with the extent of the American continent, their ideas 
of its opulence and fertility, increased. 

Before these adventurers returned, a fleet was equipped at the 
public expense, for carrying over Ovando, the new governor, to 
Hispaniola. His presence was very necessary, that a period 
might be put to the imprudent administration of Bovadilla, which 

E 



50 HISTORY OF 

thieat'^ned tlie destruction of the colony : who conscious of tb 
irjusiice and violence of hisproceedin2:s against Columbus, matle 
it his sole study to gain the favour of his countrymen, by grati- 
fying their passions, and accommodatrng himself to their preju- 
liices. 

With this intent he established regulations in every respect 
Ihe reverse of those which Columbus had deemed essential to 
the welfare of the settlement. Instead of that severe discipline, 
which was necessary to habituate the dissolute and corrupt mem- 
bers of society, and restrain them within proper bounds, he 
suffered them to enjoy such uncontrolled liberty, as led to the 
most extravagant excesses. So far from protecting the Indians, 
he gave a legal sanction to the oppressi,9n of that unhappy peo- 
ple. He divided them into distinct classes, and distributed them 
amongst his adherents: reducing them to a state of complete 
servitude. 

The rapacity and impatience of the Spaniards after gold, was 
such, that in their pursuit of it, they neglected all other means 
of acquiring wealth. The Indians were driven in crouds to the 
mountains and eomj?elled to work in the mines, by masters who 
imposed their tasks without mercy or discretion. Labour so dis- 
proportioned to their strength and former haMts of life, wasted 
that feeble race of men, with such rapid consumption, as must 
soon have exterminated the ancient inhabitants of the island. 

The necessity cf providing a remedy for these evils, hastened 
Ovando's depart-tire. He commanded the most respectable ar- 
mament hiti>erto futed out foi* the new world. It consisted of 
ihirty-tvvo ships, having on boai-d two thousand five hundred per- 
^;ons, with an intention of settling the'country. ^ 

Upon (lie arrival of the new governor, Bovadilla resigned his 
charge, and was commanded to return instantly to Spain, to 
i^nswer for*bis conduct. I^oldan and the other ringleaders of 
the mutineers, who had be^n so active in opposing Columbus, 
were ordered to leave the island at the sauie time. The natives 
\vere declared free subjects of Spain, by public proidamation : 
of whom no service was' required, without paying them the full 
j)riie of their labour. Various regulations were made tending 
uvsuppress the licentiousness of the Spaniards, which had been 
;,o fatal to th^ colony. 

To limit the exoibitant gain which private persoi^" were sup- 
posed to make by working the mines, an order was published, 
directing all the goldf to be brought to a public smelting house ; 
undone half of it vvas declared to he the property of the ero\yn. 

While these steps were taking for thes.icurity and tranquility 
of the colony. Columbus was enga.j;ed in the fruitless and un- 
pleasant employment of holiciting an ungrataful court to fulfil 
its a"^i eements : and demanded, according to the orij^inal capit* 



AMERICA. 51 

ulation in the year 1492, to be reinstated in his office of viceroy 
ater the countries which he had discovered : but he solicited in 
vain. The greatness of his discoveries, and the prospect of their 
increasing value, made the jealous Ferdinand consider the con- 
cessions in the capitulation as extravagant and impolitic ; he in- 
spired Isabella, with the same sentiments : and under various pre- 
texts, equally frivolous and unjust, they eluded all the requi- 
sitions of Columbus to perform that, which a solemn treaty » 
bound them to accomplish. 

After attending the court of Spain near two years, as an humble 
suppliant, at length he was convinced that he laboured in vain. 
But even this ungenerous return did not discourage him from 
pursuing the great object which first ci^lled forth his inventive 
genius, and excited him to attempt discovery. To open a new 
passage to the East Indies was his original and favourite scheme. 
This continued to engross his thoughts : he conceived an opinion 
that beyond the continent of America, there was a sea which ex- 
tended to the East Indies, and hoped to find some Strait or nar- 
row neck of land, by which a communication might be opened ; 
and from the part of the ocean already known, by a very fortu- 
nate conjecture, he supposed this strait or isthmus to be situated 
near the gulph of Darien. 

Filled with this idea, though now far advanced in age, worn 
out with fatigue, and broken with infirmities, he offered cheer- 
fully to undertake a voyage which would ascertain this impor- 
tant point, and perfect the grand scheme which from the begin- 
ning, he proposed to accomplish. 

Ferdinand and Isabella willingly came into the proposal: they 
were glad of some honourable employment that would remove 
from court a njan, with whose demands they were determined 
not to comply, and whose services it was indecent to neglect. 
Though unwilling to reward Columbus, they were sensible of his 
merits, they were convinced of his skill and conduct, and had 
reason to confide in his success. 

To these considerations there was a still more powerful influ- 
ence. About this time (1502.) the Portuguese fleet under Cabral, 
arrived from the Indies ; and by the richness of its cargo, gave 
the people of Europe a more perfect idea, than they had hither- 
to been able to form, of the opulence of the east. The Portu- 
guese had been more successful in their discoveries than the 
Spaniards. They opened a communication with countries where 
industry, arts, and elegance, flourished, and where commerce 
had been long established, and carried to a greater extent than 
in any region of the earth. 

Their voyages thither yielded immediate and vast profit, in 
commodities that were extremely precious and in great request. 
Lisbon became the seat of commerce and of wealth : while Snain 



5-2 HISTORY OF 

had only the expectation of remote benefit, and future gain, 
from the western world. *■ 

Columbus's offer to conduct them to the E^ast by a route which 
tte expected would be much shorter and less dangerous, was 
very acceptable to the Spaniards. Even Ferdinand was roused 
by s,uch a prospect, and warmly approved of the undertaking. 

Notwithstanding the importance of the object of this fourth 
voyage to the nation, Columbus could procure only four 
small barks: the largest of which did not exceed seventy tons 
burden : accustomed to brave danger, he did not hesitate to ac- 
cept the command of this pittifu! squadron. His brother Bartho- 
lomew, and his second son Ferdinand, the historian of his ac- 
tions, accompanied him. 

tie sailed from Cadiz on the ninth of May, 1502, and touch- 
ed as usual at the Canary islands : from thence it was his inten- 
tion to have directed his course for the continent ; but his larg- 
est vessel was so heavy a sailor, and unfit for the expedition, 
that he was obliged to bear away for liispaniola, that he might, 
if possible, exchange her for some ship of the fleet that had car- 
ried over Ovando. 

"When he arrived off St. Domingo, he found eighteen of these 
ships read^ loaded, and on the eve of their departure for Spain. 
Columbus immediately accjuainted the governor with the desti- 
r.alion of his voyage, and the accident which had obliged him 
to alter his route. He requested to enter the harbour, not only 
that he might have permission to negociate the exchange of his 
ship, but that he might take shelter, during the violent hurricane 
vh'- i he discerned was approaching: on that account he also ad- 
vised the governor to put otT the departure of the fleet bound for 
Spain. But Ovando refused his request and de:-? ised his coun- 
sel. Under circumstances in which humanity would have af- 
forded refuge to a stranger, Columbus was denied admittance 
into a country of which he had discovered the existence, and 
liad acquired possession. He was regarded as a visionary pro- 
phet, arrogating to himself the power to predict beyond the reach 
of human foresight. ^ -'^^ 'r 

The fleet set sail June 29lh, 1502, for Spain : and the ensu- 
ing night the hurricane came on, with dreadful impetuosity and 
violence. Columbus alone, aware of the danger, took precau- 
tions against it ; and saved his little squadron. The fleet bound 
to Spain met with the fate which the rashness and obstinacy of 
its commanders merited. Of eighteen ships, two or three only 
escaped. In this general wreck perished Bovadilla and Roldan, 
and the greater part of those who had been the most active in 
persecuting Columbus and oppressing the Indians ; together 
with all the wealth which they had acquired by injustice and cru- 
elty. It exceeded in value two hundred thoMsand Pesos j an im- 



AMERICA. 5.0 

mense sum at that period, and would have been sufficient to 
screen them from punishment, and secure them a gracious re- 
ception at the Spanish court. 

One of the ships that escaped had on board all the effects of 
Columbus, which had been recovered from the wreck of his for- 
tune. Historians universally attribute this event to an imme- 
diate interposition of divine Providence, in order to avenge the 
wrongs of an injured man, as well as to punish the oppressors 
of an innocent people. The ignorant and superstitious formed 
an opinion, which the vulgar are apt to entertain with respect 
to persons acting in a sphere far above their comprehension ; 
they believed Columbus, to possess supernatural powers, and 
that he had conjured up this dreadful storm by magical art, and 
incantations, in order to be revenged on his enemies. 

The inhospitable reception which Columbus met with at His- 
paniola hastened his departure for the continent. He set sail 
July 14th, I0O2. and after a tedious and dangerous voyage, he 
discovered Guanara, an island not far from Honduras. * There 
he had an interview with some of the inhabitants, who arrived 
in a large canoe. They appeared more civilized, and had ac- 
quired more knowledge in the arts than any he had hitherto 
conversed with. 

In return to the eager inquiries of the Spaniards concerning 
the places where they got the gold, of which their ornaments 
were made; they directed them to countries situated to the 
west, which they described as abounding in that precious metal, 
in such profusion as to be made use of in common domestic ma- 
terials. ^ 

Instead of steering in search of a country so inviting, which 
would have conducted them along the coast of Yucatan, to the 
rich empire of Mexico, Columbus was so intent upon his favour- 
ite scheme of discovering that inlet to the Indian ocean, that he 
bore away to the east towards the gulf of Darien. 

In this navigation he discovered all the coast of the continent, 
from cape Gracios a Dios, to a harbour which, for its beauty and 
security, he named Puerto Bello. He searched in vain for the 
imaginary strait or inlet, through which he expected to make his 
way into an unknown sea : and though he went on shore several 
times, and advanced into the country, he did not penetrate so 
far as to cross the narrow isthmus which separates the gulf of 
Mexico from the great southern ocean. 

He was, however, so delighted with the country, and conceiv- 
ed such an idea of its wealth, from the specimens of gold pro- 
duced by the natives, that he resolved to leave a small colony 
upon the river Belem, in the province of Veragua, under the 
command of his brother, and to return himself to Spain, in order 
to procure what was requisite to render it a permanent estab?- 



54 HISTOUi Ol!» 

libhmcTit. But'the ungovernable spirit of the people umier his 
command, deprived Columbus of the glory of planting the first 
colony on the continent of America. 

Their insolence and rapaciousness provoked the natives to 
take arms, and as they wore a more hardy and warlike race of 
men than the inhabitants of the islands, they cut ofF.apartof 
the Spaniards, and obliged the rest to abandon a station they 
were no longer able to maintain. •/# 

This was not the only misfrrtnne that befell Columbus : it was 
fcl owed by a succession of disasters. Furious hurricanes, with 
violent storms of thunder and lightning, threatened his leaky 
vessels with destruction ; m hile his disconsolate crew, exhaust- 
ed with fatigue, and destitute of provisions, were unwilling, or 
unable, to execute his commands. One of his ships was lost; 
he was obliged to abandon another totally unfit for service; and 
with the two \\hich remained, he quitted that part of the conti- 
nent which in his anguish he named the coast of vexation, and 
bore away for Hispaniola. 

New distresses awaited him in this voyage; he was driven 
back by a violent tempest from the coast of Cuba ; his ships fell 
ii)u I of each other, and \^ere so much shattered by the shock, 
that with the utmost difficulty they reached Jamaica, where he 
v/as obliged to run them aground to prevent them from sinking. 
The measure of his calamities seemed now to be fulL He was 
cast on shore upon an island at a considerable distance from the 
only settlement of the Spaniards in Am.erica. His ships were 
disabled beyond the possibility of repair. To convey an account 
of his situation to Hispaniola seemed impracticable ; and with- 
out this it w as in vain to expect relief. His genius ever fertile in 
resources, andmost vigorous in.those perilous extremities, when 
\vcakm,inds abandon themselves todespair^ discovered the only 
expedient which aiiibrded any prospect of deliverance. He had re- 
course to the hospitality of the natives, who considering the Span- 
iards as superior beings, were eager on all occasions to adminis- 
ter to their wants : from them he obtained tvv'o of their canoes f. 
in these, which were only fit for creeping along the coast, or 
crossing from one bay to another, Mendez, a Spaniard, and Fie- 
^cbi, a Genoese, two gentlemen particularly attached to Colum- 
:jus, gallently cliered to set out for Hispaniola : a voyage of above 
iliirty leagues. This they accomplished in ten days, after encoun- 
reiiiig incredible dangers, and sufi'h fatigue that several of the 
Indians who accompanied them, sunk under it and died. 

The attcntuin paid them by the governor of Hispaniola, was 
nekher such as their courage merited, or the distress of Columbus 
and his associates required. Ovando, from a mean jealousy of 
Columbus,^ was afraid of permitting him iB^et his foot on ths 
islu.id uiider his government. 



AMERICA, qi? 

This ungenerous passion absorbed every lender sentiment for 
the njisfortunes of that great man ; and his own fellow citizens 
were involved in the same calamity. Mendez and Fieschi, spent 
eight months in fruitless petitions, and seeking relief for their 
commaiiH^rsind associates. 

During this period, the mind of Columbus was agitated by va- 
rious passions. At first the speedy deliverance expected from 
the success of Mendez and Fieschi's voyage, cheered the spirits 
of the most desponding; after some time, they began to suspect 
that they had miscarried in the attempt. At length they all con- 
cluded, that Mendez and Fieschi had perished. 

Hope, the last resource of the wretched, now forsook them 
and made their situ'ution appear more dismal. The only alter- 
native that appeared, w^as to end their miserable days among 
naked savages, far from their native country and friends. The 
seamen transported with rage, rose in open mutiny, threatened 
the life of Columbus, whom they reproached as the author of 
their calamities; seized ten canoes, which he had purchased of 
the Indians, and despising his remonstrances and entreaties, 
made oti with them to a distant part of the island At the same 
time, the natives murmured at the long residence of the Span- 
iards in their country. 

Like their neighbours, in Hispaniola, they considered the sup- 
porting so many strangers to be an intolerable burden. They 
brought in provisions with reluctance, and with a sparing handj 
and threatened to withdraw these supplies altogether. Snch a 
resolution would have been fatal to the Spaniards. Their safety 
depended upon the good-will of the natives ; and, unless thev 
coujd revive the admiration and reverence with which these 
simple people at first beheld them, destruction appeared una? 
voidable. 

Though the disorderly proceedings of the mutineers had, in 
a great measure, effaced those favourable impressions, the inge- 
nuity of Columbus suggested an artifice that completely answered 
their purpose : and not only restored, but encreased, the high 
opinion which the Indians had formerly conceived of them. 

By his skill in'astronomy he knew there would be a total ec- 
lipse of the moon. He assembled ail the principal persons of the 
district around him on the day before it happened : and after re- 
proaching them for their fickleness in v^^ithdrawing their affection 
and assistance from men, whom they lately had revered; he told 
them the Spaniards were servants to the great Spirit, who dwells 
in heaven, who made and governed the world ; that he was of- 
fended at their refusing to support men who were tli€ objects of 
his peculiar favour : was preparing to punish this crime witfi 
exemplarjr severity 5 and that very night the moon should with- 
hold her light, and appear of a bloody hue, as a sign of divine 
^vrathj and an emblem of the vengeance ready to faU on them* 



5i> fllSTORY OF 

To this marvellous prediction some of them listened with carfi* 
less indifference, others with credulous astonishment. But when 
the moon began gradually to be darkened, and at length appear- 
ed of a red colour, all were struck with terror. They ran with 
consternation to their houses, and returning instantly to Colum- 
bus loaded with provisions, threw them at his feet, conjuring him 
to intercede with the great Spirit to avert the destruction with 
which they were threatened. Columbus seeming to be moved 
by their entreaties, promised to comply vvith their desire. 

The eclipse went off, the moon recovered its splendour, and 
from that day the Spaniards were not only profusely furnished 
with provisions, but the Indians avoided every thing that could 
give them oftence : and paid a superstitious attention to them as 
long as they staid upon the island. 

During these transactions, the mutineers enraged at their dis- 
appointments, marched to that part of the island where Columbus 
remained, threatening him with new dangers and insults. While 
they were advancing, an event more cruel and affliictinj* than 
any which he dreaded from them, happened. The governor of 
Hispaniola, still under the influenee of dark suspicion, sent a 
small bark to Jamaica, not to relieve Columbus, or deliver his 
distressed countrymen, but to spy out their condition. ,^, 

Fearing the sympathy of those whom he sent would operate too 
powerfully in favour oif their countrymen, he sent Escobar, an in- 
veterate enemy of Columbus, who adhered to his instructions, 
with malignant accuracy; cast anchor at some distance from 
the island, approached the shore in a small boat, took a view of 
the wretched state of the Spaniards, delivered a letter of emp- 
ty compliment to the admiral, received his answer, and departed* 

When the Spaniards first descried the vessel standing towards 
the island, every heart exulted, expecting; the hour of their de- 
liverance had arrived ; but when the vessel disappeared, they 
sunk into the deepest dejection, and all their hopes were lost. 
Columbus alone, though he felt this wanton insult, retained such 
composure, as to be able to cheer his followers. He assured them 
that Mendez and Fieschi. had reached Hispaniola in safety ! and 
that they would speedily procure ships to carry them off; and as 
Escobar's vessel could not carry them all, he had refused to go 
with her, because he was determined not to abandon his faithful 
companions in distress : soothed with the expectation of speedy 
deliverance, and delighted with his apparent generosity, in at- 
tending more to their preservation than his own, their spirits 
revived, and he regained their confidence. 

The mutineers were now at hand. All his endeavours to re- 
claim those desperadoes, had no effect, but to increase their 
phrenzy. Their demands became more extrayagant. and their 
intentions more violent and bloody. It became necessary to opr 
^ose them with open force. 



AMERICA. 57 

f*^ Columbus, who had been long afflicted with the gout, could not 
take the field. His brother, the iVdelantado, marched against 
them. They quickly met. The mutineers rejected with scorn, 
all offers of accommodation, and rushed on boldly to the attack. 
They were repulsed at the first onset, and several of their most 
daring leaders were slain. The Adelantado, whose strength was 
equal to his courage, closed with their captain, wounded, dis- 
armed him, and made him a prisoner. This disconcerted the 
rest who fled with a dastardly fear, equal to their former inso- 
lence. Soon after they submitted in a body to Columbus, and 
bound themselves in the most solemn oaths, to submit to his com- 
mands. 
• Hardly was tranquility established, when the ships appear- 
ed, whose arrival Columbus had promised. With transports of 
jm the Spaniards quitted an island, in which the mean jealousy 
of Ovando had suffered them to languish above a year, exposed 
to misery in various forms. 

When they arrived at St. Domingo, the fourteenth of Au- 
gust, 1504, the governor with that mean artifice usually at- 
tending vulgar minds, that labours to atone for insolence with 
servility, now fawned on the man he had attempted to ruin. He 
received Columbus with the most studied respect, lodged him in 
his own house, and distinguished him with everjr mark of hon- 
our. But, amidst those overacted demonstrations of regard, 
he could not conceal the malignity latent in his heart. He set 
at liberty the captain of the mutineers, whom Columbus had 
brought over in chains, to be tried for his crimes, and threat- 
ened those who hadsadhered to the admiral, with proceeding to 
judicial inquiry into their conduct. 

Columbus submitted in silence to what he could not redress 5 
but was impatient to quit a country und^r the jurisdiction of a 
man who had treated him with such inhumanity and injustice. 
His preparations were soon finished, and he set sail for Spain 
with two ships. Disasters still continued to accompany him| 
one of his vessels was so disabled, as to be forced back to St. 
Domingo; the other shattered by violent storms, sailed seven 
hundred leagues with jury masts, and reached with difficulty, 
the port of St. Lucar. 

There he received an account of an event, the most dis- 
couraging that could have happened. This was the death of 
his patroness, queen Isabella, in whose justice, humanity, and 
favour, he confided as his last resource. Not one was now left 
to redress his wrongs, or to reward him for bis services and suf- 
ferings, but Ferdinand, who had so long opposed, and so often 
had injured him. To solicit a prince, prejudiced against him, 
was irksome and hopeless. In this, however, was Columbit^ 
doomed to employ the close of his days. 



58 HISTORY, &c. 

As soon as his health would permit, he repaired to cour 
where he was received with civility barely decent : he present 
ed petiiion after petition, demanded the punishment of his 0| 
pressors, and the rights and privileges bestowed upon him, I 
the capitulation of one thousand four hundred and ninety twt 
Ferdinand continued to amuse him with fair words and unmeai 
ing promises. Instead of granting his claims, he proposed e> 
pedients in order to elude them. 

The declining health of Columbus, flattered Ferdinand wit 
the hopes of being soon delivered from an importunate suitor : 
nor was he deceived in his expectations. Disgusted with the in 
gratitude of a monarch, whom he had served with such fidelity 
and success, worn out with fatigue and hardships, and broke? 
with infirmities, which these brought upon him, Columbus end- 
ed his life at Valladolid, on the twentieth of May, one thousaali 
five hundred and six, in the fifty-ninth year of his age. He 
died with composure of mind, suitable to the magnanimity 
which distinguished his character, and with sentiments of pietv 
becoming that supreme respect for religion, which he manifested 
jn every occurrence of his life. 



HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



BOOK II. 

WHILE Columbus was employed in his last voyage, the colo- 
vT of Hispaniola was pjradually acquiring the form of a regular 
jvernment : the humane solicitude of Isabella to protect the In- 
ans from oppression, and the proclamation, by which the Span- 
rds were prohibited from compelling them to work, retarded, 
r some time, the progress of improvement. The natives, who 
jnsidered exemption" from labour as supreme happiness, reject- 
I, with scorn, every alurement by which they were invited to 
01 k. The Spaniards, accustomed to the service of the Indians, 
litted the island : many of those who came over with Ovando 
ere seized with distempers pecu^liar to the climate; and in a 
sort time near a thousand of them died. At the same time, the 
emand of one half of the product of the mines claimed by the 
own, was found to be an exaction so exorbitant, that there was 
-^ne to be found that would engage to work them upon such terms. 
>vando, to save the colony from ruin, relaxed the rigour of the 
)yal edict% and again distributed the Indians among the Span- 
rds, compelling them to work for a stated time, in digging the 
lines, or in cultivating the ground : to cover this breach of his 
istructions, he enjoined their masters to pay them a certain sum 
s the price of their work. He reduced the royal share of the 
.Id found in the mines to one fifth, and was so fortunate as to 
erHuade the court to approve of these regulations. 
The Indians, after enjoying a short respite from servitude, now 
elt the yoke of bondage to be so galling, that they made several 
ttempts to regain their freedom. This the Spaniards considered 
iS rebellion, and took arms in order to reduce them to obedience : 
considering them not as men fij^hting in defence of their liberty, 
out as slaves, who had revolted against their masters. Their ca- 
ziques when taken, were condemned like the leaders of a ban- 
ditti, to the most cruel and ignominious punishments; and all 
their subjects, without regard to rank, were reduced to the same 
abject slavery. Such was the fate of the cazique of Higuey, a 
province in the eastern extremity of the island. 

This war was occasioned by the perfidy of the Spaniards, in vi- 
olating a treaty, began and concluded by them with the natives: 
and was terminated by hanging up the cazique, who defended his 
people with a bravery that deserved a better fate. 

But his treatment of Anacoana, a female cazique, was still more 
treacherous and cruel. The province anciently called Xaragua, 
which extends from the fertile plain where Leogane is now sita- 



CO HISTORY OF 

aie- -b^ v^p^t^^j-n evtre-. ity ot the ^chtiid, was suHject to her 

autiiorst^ > at jjavtia with Vvhich tlie vvv.irt«?a 

of Ameica itrftolht- riMiiatl ahvavs crtUrted 

the frientlship of tne r^paniart^s, and cU ne them gf-od offices. But 
some uf tiie adherents of Roldan, having settled in her country, 
were so exasperated at her eiideavourine: to restrain their ex- 
cesses, that they accused her of a design of thro wing off the yoke, 
and destroying the Spaniards. 

Ovando, thou2;h he knew that little credit was due to such 
profligate characters, marched without further inquiry towards 
Xaragua, with Ihree hundred foot and seventy horsemen. To 
prevent the Indians from taking alarm at the hostile appearance, 
he gave out that it was his sole intention to vi-it Anacoana, to 
whom his countrymen had been so much indebted, and to regulate 
with her the mode of levying the tribute payable to the king of 
Spain. 

Anacoana, in order to receive this illustrious guest with due 
honour, assembled the principal men in her dominions, to the 
number of three hundred, and advancing at their head, accom- 
panied by a vast crowd of the lower rank, she welcomed Ovando 
with songs and dances, and conducted him to the place of her 
residence. There he was entertained for several days, with all 
the kindness of simple hospitality, and amused with'^games and 
spectacles usual among the natives, upon occasions of mirth and 
festivity. "... 

Amidst the security which this inspired, Ovando was meditat- 
ing the destruction of his unsuspicious and generous entertainer, 
and her subjects : and the manner in which he executed his 
scheme, discovered such meanness and barbarity, as must shock 
every lover of humanity. 

Under colour of showing the Indians an European tournament, 
he advanced with his troops in battle array. The infantry took 
possession of all the avenues which led to the village, while the 
horsemen encompassed the house in which Anacoana and her 
chiefs were assembled. These movements were beheld with ad- 
miration, without any mixture of fear, until upon a signal, the 
Spaniards drew their swords, and rushed upon the Indians, who 
were defenceless, and astonished at an act of treachery, which 
exceeded their conception. Anacoana was instantly secured ; all 
her attendants who were in the house, were seized and bound. 
Fire was set to the house ; and without examination, all those un- 
happy persons, the most illustrious in their own country, were 
consumed in the flames. Anacoana was reserved for a more ig- 
nominious fate. She was carried in chains to St. Domingo : and, 
after the formality of a trial before Spanish judges, she was con- 
demned upon the evidence of those ^ery men who had betrayed 
her, to be publicly hanged. 



AMERICA. GI 

The Indians, overawed and humbled by the destruction of their 
chief and principal men, submitted to the Spanish yoke. Ovando 
distributed them among his friends on the island. The exactions 
of their oppressors no longer knew any bounds. But barbarous as 
their policy was, and fatal to the natives, it produced considerable 
consequences, by calling forth the exertion of a whole nation, 
pointing it in one direction. 

The working of the mines was carried on with amazing success. 
During several years the gold brought into the royal smelting 
houses in Hispaniola, amountedannually to sixty thousand pesos, 
above one hundred thousand pounds sterling : an immense sum 
at that time. 

Although Ovando had treated the Indians with cruelty and 
treachery, he governed the Spaniards with v/isdom and justice : 
he established equal laws, and executed them impartially : he en- 
deavoured to turn the attention of the Spaniards to industry, more 
useful than searching the mines for gold. Some slips of the sugar- 
cane having been brought from the Canaries by way of experi- 
ment, were found to thrive with such increase in the rich and 
warm s«»ilof Hispaniola, that the cultivation of them became aa 
object of commerce : and in a few years, the manufacturing this 
commodity became the great object of the inhabitants, and most 
certain source of their weallh. 

But notwithstanding this prosperous appearance of the colony, 
a calamity impended, which threatened its dissokitios. The na- 
tives, on whose labour the Spaniards depended, wasted so fast, 
that the extinction of the whole race appeared to be inevitable. 
When Columbus discovered Hispaniola, the number of the inhab- 
itants was computed to be at least a million. They were now 
reduced to sixty thousand in the space of fifteen years. This amaz- 
ing consumption of the human species, was the effect of several 
concurring causes. The inactive indolence in which they w^ere 
used to pass their days, as it was the eff'ect of their debility, con- 
tributed to increase it ; their food aftbrded but little nourishment, 
and taken in such small quantities, as was not sufficient to invig- 
orate a languid frame, and render it equal to the efforts industry 
required. 

The Spaniards without attending to those peculiarities in the 
constitution of the Indians, imposed such tasks upon them, that 
many sunk under the fatigue, and ended their wretched days. 
Others in despair cut short their own existence with a violent 
hand. Diseases of various kinds completed the desolation of the 
island. The Spaniards thus deprived of their slaves found it 
impossible to extend their improvements, or even carry on the 
works which they had already begun. 

Ovando, in order to provide an immediate remedy for an evil so 
alarming, proposed to transport inhabitants of the Lucayo islands 

F 



62 - HISTORY OF 

to Ilispanioiii, under pretence they mij^ht be civilized with more 
facility, and instructed to greater advantage in the christian faith, 
if they were united to the Spanish colony, and under the imme- 
diate inspection of the missionaries settled there. 

Ferdinand deceived by this artifice, or willing to connive at an 
act of violence which policy represented as necessary, assented to 
the proposal. Several vessels were fitted out for the Lucayos, 
the^commanders of which informed the natives, with whose lan- 
guage they were now acquainted, that they came from a delight- 
ful country, in which their departed ancestors resided, by whom 
they were sent to invite them to partake of that bliss which they 
enjoyed. The simple people listened with wonder and credulity; 
and delighted with the idea of visiting their relations and friends 
in that happy region, followed the Spaniards with eagerness. 

By this artifice, above forty thousand were decoyed into Hispa- 
iiiola to mingle their groans and tears with its naiive inhabitants. 
The ardour with which the Spaniards pursued their operations in 
the mines, and tlie success attending their pursuit seemed to have 
engrossed their whole attention : no enterprize of any moment 
iiad been undertaken since the last voyage of Columbus. But the 
japid decrease of the Indians rendered it impossible to aco^uire 
wealth with that facility as formerly ; ihey began to form new 
schemes of aggrandizement, and the spirit of discovering new 
countries revived. 

Juan Ponce de Leon, who corrmanded under Ovando in the 
eastern district of Hispaniola, passed over to the island of St. John 
de Puerto Rico, which Columbus had discovered in his second 
voyajrf^, aiw^penetrated into the interior part of the country. As 
lie found the soil fertile, and expected from the information of the 
inhabitants, \o discover gold mines in the mountains, Ovando per- 
mitted hin> to make a settlement. This was easily effected by 
that officer, who was eminent for his conduct and courage. 

In a few years Puerto Rico was sulyect to the Spanish govern- 
ment; the natives were reduced to servitude, and treated with 
the same inconsiderate rigour as those of Hispaniola; and were 
soon exterminated. 

About this time, Juan Diaz de Solis, in conjunction with Vin- 
cent Yanez Pinzon, one of Columbus's original companions, made 
a voyage to the continent. They held the same course which 
Columbus had taken, as far as to the Island of Guanicos ; but, 
standing from thence to the west, discovered a new and extensive 
province, afterwards known by the name of Yucatan, and pro- 
ceeded along the coast of that country. 

This led to discoveries of greater importance. Sebastian de 
Ocampo, by the command of Ovando, sailed round Cuba, and first 
discovered that this country, which Columbus once supposed to 
be part of the continent, was a large island. This was one of 
the last occurrences of Ovando's admimstration. 



AMERICA. - 60 

Ever since the death of Columbus, his son Don Die^o, ..ad been 
employed in soliciting Ferdinand to grant him the offices of vice- 
roy and admiral, in the New World, together with all the other 
immunities and profits, which descended to him by inheritance, 
in consequence of the original capitulation with his father. But 
if these dignities and revenues appeared so considerable to Fer- 
dinand, that at the expense of being deemed unjust as well as 
ungrateful, he had wrested them from Columbus, it is not sur- 
prising that be should withhold them from the son. 

Don Diego, after wasting two years in fruitless solicitation, 
brought his suit against Ferdinand, before the council that man- 
aged Indian atlairs, and that court with that integrity, which re- 
flects honour upon its proceedings, decided against the king, and 
confirmed Don Diego's claim of the viceroyalty, and all the 
other privileges, stipulated in the capitulation. 

The sentence of the council of the Indies, gave him a title to 
a rank so elevated, and a fortune so opulent, that he found no 
difficulty in concluding a marriage with Donna Maria, daughter 
of Don Ferdinand de Toledo, great commendator of Leon, and 
brother of the duke of Alva, a grandee of the first rank, and 
nearly related to the king. The duke and his family so vvarmly 
espoused the cause of their new ally, that Ferdinand could not 
resist their solicitations. He recftlled Ovando, and appointed 
Don Diego his successor, in lo09: in conferring this favour, he 
could not conceal his jealousy; for he aUowed him only to as- 
sume the title of governor, and not that of viceroy, which had 
bsen adjudged to him. 

He soon repaired to Hispaniola, attended by his uncles, his 
wife, (v\honj the courtesy of the Spaniards honoured with the 
title of vice-queen) and a numerous retinue of persons of both 
sexes descended of good families. He lived with a splendour and 
magnificente liitherto unknown in the New VV^orld ; and the 
family of Columbus seemed now to enjoy the honours and re- 
wards due to his superior genius: and of which he had been cru- 
elly defrauded. 

The colony acquired new lustre by the accession of so many 
inhabitants of a different rank and character, from those who 
had hitherto emigrated to America: and many of the most il- 
lustrious families in the Spanish settlements, are descended from 
the persons who attended Don Diego at that time. Though it 
was above ten years since Columbus had discovered the main 
land of America, the Spaniards had hitherto made no settle- 
ment in any part of it : but Alonzo de Ojeda, who had former- 
ly made two voyages as a discoverer, by which he acquired 
considerable reputation, but no wealth; his character for intre- 
pidity and conduct, easily procured him associates, who advanc- 
ed the money requisite to defray the charges of the expedition 



64 HISTORY OF 

About (he same time, Diego de Nicuessa, who had acquired a 
large fortune in Hispaniola, revived the spirit of his countrymen. 
Ferdinand eneouraged both ; and though he refused to advance 
the smallest sum, was very liberal of titles and patents. He 
erected two governments on the continent; one extending from 
the Cape de Vela, to the gulf of Darien, and the other from 
that to Cape Gracios a Dios. The former was given to Ojeda, 
the latter to Nicuessa. 

Ojedd fitted out a ship and two brigantines with three hundred 
men : Nicuessa, six vessels, with seven hundred and eighty men. 
They sailed about the same time from St. Domingo, for their 
respective governments. There is not in the history of mankind, 
any thing more singular or extravagant, than the form and cer- 
emony they made use of in taking possession of the country. 
They endeavoured to convince the natives of the articles of the 
Christian faith, and in particular, of the jurisdiction of the 
pope over all the kingdoms of the earth; and that he had grant- 
ed their country to the king of Spain : they required them to 
Jiubmit to his authority, and embrace the Catholic religion. If 
they refused to comply, Ojeda and Nicuessa, were authorized 
to attack with sword and fire; to reduce them, their wives, and 
children to a state of servitude, and compel them by force 
to submit to the authority of the king, and jurisdiction of the 
church. 

The Indians of the continent spurned with indignation at 
propositions so extravagant : they could not conceive how a 
foreign priest, of whom they had no knowledge, could have a 
right to dispose of their country ; or how a prince, altogether 
a stranger to them, should claim the right of commanding them 
as his subjects. They turned to ridicule such extravagant pro- 
posals, and fiercely opposed the new invaders of their territo- 
ries. Ojeda and Nicuessa, endeavoured to effect by force, what 
they could not accomplish by persuasion. 

They found the natives of the continent different from their 
countrymen in the islands : they v' ere fierce and brave. Their 
arrows were dipped in poison so deadly, that every wound was 
followed with certain death. In one encounter, they cut off" se- 
venty of Ojcda's followers, and the Spaniards were for the first 
time, taught to dread the inhabitants of the New World. No- 
thing could soften their ferocity. Though the Spaniards practis- 
ed every art to soothe them, and gain their confidence, they re- 
fused to hold any intercourse or exchange any friendly office: 
they considered them as enemies come to deprive them of their 
liberty and independence. 

Though the Spaniards received two considerable reinforce- 
ments, the greater part of those engaged in this unhappy enter- 
prize, perished in less than a year. A few who survived set" 



AMERICA. 65 

tied a feeble colony, at Santa Maria el Antigua, on the guU of 
Barien, under the command of Vasco Nugnez de Balboa, who. 
in the most desperate extremities, displayed such courage and 
conduct as gained him the confidence of his countrymen, and 
marked him out for a leader, in more splendid and successful un- 
dertakings. Nor was he the only adventurer, who will appear 
with lustre in more important scenes. 

Francis Pizarro, who was one of Ojeda's companions, after- 
wards performed many extraordinary actions. Ferdinand Cor- 
tes, whose name still became more famous, had engaged early 
in this enterprize, which roused all the active youth of Hispani- 
ola to arms ; but the g;ood fortune which attended him in his sub- 
sequent adventures, interposed to save him from the disasters, 
to which his companions were exposed. He was taken ill at St. 
Domingo, before tlie departure of the fleet, and there detained. 

The unfortunate issue of this expedition in 1511, did not de- 
ter the Spaniards, from engaging in new schemes of a similar 
Kature. Don Diego Columbus proposed to conquer the island of 
Cuba, and to establish a colony there. Many persons of dis- 
tinction in Hispaniola entered with alacrity into the measure. 

The command of the troops sent on this expedition, was giv- 
en to Diego Velasquez, one of his father's companions in his se- 
cond voyage, whose ample fortune, long residence in Hispaniola, 
and reputation for probity and prudence, qualified him for con- 
ducting an expedition of importance. Three hundred men were 
deemed sufficient for the conquest of an island, seven hundred 
miles in length and filled with inhabitants. But as they were 
of the same un warlike people as those of Hispaniola, the un- 
dertaking was not very hazardous. 

The only obstruction the Spaniards met with, was from Ka- 
tuey, a cazique who had fled from Hispaniola and taken posses- 
sion of the eastern extremity of Cuba. He stood upon the de- 
fensive when they first landed and endeavoured to drive them 
back to their ships. His feeble troops, were soon broken and 
dispersed ; and he himself made prisoner. He was soon con- 
demned to the flames. While he was fastened to the stake, a 
Franciscan friar labouring to convert him, promised him the im- 
mediate joys of heaven if he would embrace the christian faith; 
*• Are there any Spaniards," said he after some pause " in that re- 
*'gion of bliss which you describe?" Yes, replied the monk, bat 
only such as are worthy and good. <* The best of them," repli- 
ed the indignant cazique, "have neither worth nor goodness : 
" I will not go to a place where I shall see one of that accursed 
race." With this dreadful example, the natives were so intimi- 
dated, that they submitted to their invaders, and Velasquez, 
without the loss of one man, annexed this large and fertile island 
to the Spanish monarchy. 

F-2 



GG HISTORY OF 

Juan Ponre de Leon, about tiie year 1512, discovered Florida 3- 
lie attempted to land in different places, but was repulsed with 
such vifi^our bj the nauves, as convinced hirn that an increase of 
force v^as necessary, to make a settlenient with safety. But the 
priniary (bject v>hich induced him to undertake this vovHge, was 
a <raditi{)n that prevailed among the natives of Puerto Rico, that 
in the island of l^imini, there v. as a fountain of such wonderful 
virtue, as to renew youth, and recall the strength and vijrour of 
every person who bathed in it That a tale so incredible should 
gain belief, among sin>,ple uninstructed Indians is not surprising : 
but that it should make an impression on enlightened people, ap- 
pears in the present age, altogether incredible. The fact how- 
ever is certain, end Robeitson, in his history of America, says, 
the most authentic Spanish historians mention this extravagant 
attempt of their crednlous c«untrytnen. 

Soon after the expedition to Florida a discovery of much great- 
er consequence was made in another part of America. Balboa 
having been raised to the government of Santa Maria in Darien, 
made frequent inroads into the adjacent country. In one of these 
excursions, the Spaniards contended with such eagerness about 
the division of some gold, that they weie upon the point of pro- 
ceeding to violence, A young cazique astonished at the high 
value they set upon a thing of \shich he did not discern the use,. 
tumbled the gold out of the balance with indignation ; and turn- 
ing to the Spaniards, " ^Vhy do you quarrel (said he) about such 
a trifle ? if you are so fond of gold as to abandon your own coun- 
try, and to disturb the tranquility of ottier nations for its sake, I 
v.ill conduct you to a region where this metal is in such abun- 
dance, that the most common utensils are made of it." Trans- 
ported with what they heard, Balboa and the rest inquired ea- 
gerly vhere (his country lay, and how they might arrive at it. 
He informed them that at the distance of six suns, (that is of six 
days' journey) they should discoveranother ocean, near to which 
this wealthy kingdom was situated ; but he told them if they in- 
tended to attack tliat pov\crful state, they must have forces far 
superior in number to those with which they now appeared. 

Balboa had now before him objects equal to his boundless am- 
bition, and the ardour of his genius : but previous arrangements 
and preparati(ms were requisite to insure success. It was his 
primary object to secure the friendship of the neighbouring ca- 
ziques ; he sent some of his officers to Kispaniola with a large 
quantity of gold. By a proper distribution of this they secured 
the favour of the governor, and allured volunteers into the ser- 
vice. A considerable reinforcement from that island joined him. 
and with these he attempted a discovery. 

The isthmus of Darien is not above sixty miles in breadth ; 
this neck of land atrciii^thened by a chain of lofty mountains^ 



AMERICA. (Tr 

stretching- through its s^hjAe extent, binds together the continents 
of North and 8(^uth America, and (ova^^ a i^ufficient barrier to re- 
sist the impulses of two opposite oceans. The mountains are co- 
vered with forests aliuost inaccess.ibie. The low lands are 
marsh V and frequently ove!flov^ed, so that the inhabitants find it 
necessary, in many places, to build their houses on trees, to avoid 
the damps from the soil, and the odious reptiles which breed in 
the putrid waters. 

To march across this unex[)lored country ^^ith Indian guides, 
of whose fideiity tiiey were doubtful, was the boldest ent^rprize 
undertaken by tlie Spaniards, since the first discovery of the 
New World. But tlie intrepidity and prudent conduct (if Bal- 
boa surmounted every obstacle. With only one hundred and 
ninety men and some of those fierce dogs, which were no less 
formidable to their naked enemies, and one thousand Indians, 
he set out on this expedition in the year 1513. 

No sooner did he begin to advance, than he was retarded by 
manv obstacles which he had reason to a|)prehend, from the na- 
ture of the country, and the hostility of its inhabitants. Some of 
the cazicjues fled at his approndi, with all their people to the 
mountains. Others collected their subjects in order to oppose 
his progress. 

When they had penetrated a considerable distance into the 
mountains, a powerful cazique appeared in a narrow pass, with 
a numerous body of troops to oppose them. The Spaniards, who 
had surmounted so many obstacles, de.-pised the opposition of 
such feeble enemies. They attacked them with such impetuosity, 
that the Indians gave way at the fir^t onset, and- many of them 
were slain ; after which the Spaniards continued their march. 
Though their guide had told them it was but six days' journey 
across the isthmus, yet they had now been twenty-five days ia 
forcing their way thioue;h the woods. Many of them were ready 
to sink under the fatigues they had undergone, and all began to 
be impatient to reach the period of their suff'erings : atlenij;th the 
Indians assured them that fronj the top of the next mountain 
they could discover the ocean which was the object of their 
wishes. 

"Wlien they had, with infinite toil, ascended the a;reater part 
of that steep ascent, Balboa commanded his men to halt, and he 
alone advanced to the sumnnt, that he might be the first to be- 
hold a spectacle which he had so long been in quest of. As soon 
as he beheld the South Sea stretching in endles prospect below 
him, he fell on his knees, and lifting- up his eyes to Heaven, re- 
turned thanks to God, who had conducted him to a discovery sa 
beneficial to his country, and so honourable to himself. His fol- 
lowers observing his transports, rushed forward and joined to.his- 
wonder, exultation and gratitude* 



68 HISTORY OF 

They descended with alacrity to the shore, and Balboa ad- 
vancing u|) to his middle in the waves, with his buckler and 
fev>ord, took possession of that Ocean, in the nanpe of the king 
his n\aster, and vowed to defend it against all his enemies. 

That part of the great Pacific or Southern Ocean which Bal- 
boa first discovered, still retains the name of the gulf of St. 
Michael, which he gave it; and is situated to the east of Pa- 
nama. 

From several of the petty princes, who governed in districts 
adjacent to that gulf, Balboa extorted provisions and gold, by 
force of arms. Others supplied him voluntarily. To these ac- 
ceptable piesents some of the caziques added some valuable 
pearls : and he l^^arned from them that pearl oysters abounded 
in the ocean he had discovered. The people on* the coast of the 
South sea concurred in informing him that there was a mighty 
and wealthy kingdom situated eastwardly, the inhabitants of 
which made use of tame animals to carry their burdens. They 
drew upon the sand the figure of the Lamas or sheep v/hich the 
Peruvians had taught to perform such services as they described. 

Talboa led his followers baok by a different route, that he , 
might acquire a better knowledge of the isthmus. This route 
be found no less dangerous and difficult, than that which he had 
already taken. But being now elated with success, they sur- 
Biounted every difficulty, and returned to Santa Maria in safety. 

In this expedition none of Balboa's officers distinguished them- 
selves more than Francisco Pizarro in opening a communication 
■with those countries in which he afterwards acted such an illus- 
trious part. The first care of Balboa was to send information to 
Spain of the dist;>very he had made, and to demand a reinforce- 
ment of a thousand men to attempt the conquest of that opulent 
cotintry, of which he had been informed by the Indian natives. 

The first account of the discovery of the New World did not 
excite grtater sensations of joy than that of a passage being at 
iast discj'vered to the great southern ocean, through which a 
passage to the East Indies, by a line to westward of the line of 
demarkation drawn by the Pope, seemed almost certain. Fer- 
dinand now expected to come in for a share of the vast wealth 
that flowed into Portugal ; his eagerness to obtain it made him 
willing to make greater efforts than Balboa n^quired. But his 
jealous disposition, and the fatal antipathy of Fonseca, now bi- 
shop of Burgos, to every man of merit, who distinguished him- 
self in the New World, were conspicuous. 

Notwithstanding the merit and recent services of Balboa, F'er- 
dinand was so ungenerous as to overlook those, and appointed Pe- 
drarias Davilla governor of Darien. He gave him the command 
of fifteen large vessels and twelve hundred soldiers ; these were 
fitted out with a liberally, at the public expense, which Ferdi- 



AMERICA. 69 

Hand had never displayed in any former armament, destined for 
the New World ; and such was the ardour of the Spanish gen- 
tlemen to embark to a country where, as fame reported, they had 
only to cast their nets into the sea and draw out gold. Fifteen 
hundred of these accompanied Pedrarias : many more, had they 
been permitted, would have engaged in the expedition. 

Pedrarias arrived at the gulf of Darien without any remarkable 
accident, and immediately sent some of his principal officers on 
shore to inform Balboa of his arrival, with the king's commission 
to be governor of the colony. Balboa received them with dignity. 
The fame of his discoveries had drawn so many adventurers from 
the islands, that he could muster four hundred and fifty men : 
with these hardy veterans, who murmured loud at the injustice 
of the king in superceding their governor, Balboa was able to 
have defeated the forces Pedrarias brought with him ; but he 
submitted with implicit obedience to the commands of his sove- 
reign, and received Pedrarias with all the deference due to his 
character. 

The moderation of Balboa to which Pedrarias owed the peace* 
able possession of his government, did not screen him from the 
envy his merit had excited in the breast of the new governor. 
Pedrarias appointed a judicial inquiry to be made into his con- 
duct, and imposed a considerable fine upon him for certain irreg- 
ularities he had committed. Balboa felt his mortification sensi- 
bly in a place where he had held the chief command. Pedrarias 
could not conceal his jealousy of his superior merit, which gave 
rise to dissentions exti-emely prejudical to the colony. 

Balboa saw with concern, that the governor, by his ill-judged 

proceedings, retarded the execution of his favourite scheme, sent 

strong remonstrances to Spain against the imprudent government 

of Pedrarias, who had alienated the friendship of the natives 

from the Spaniards, by countenancing his troops to plunder and 

oppress them at pleasure. Pedrarias, on the other hand, accused 

j him of having deceived the king by magnifying his own exploits, 

and the opulence and value of the counl;ry. 

i Ferdinand was now sensible he had acted imprudently in su- 

\ perceding the most active and enterprising officer in the New 

j World, and to make Balboa some compensation, he appointed 

i him Adelantado,or lieutenant governor, of the countries upon the 

I South Sea, with very extensive privileges and authority. At the 

same time, he enjoined Pedrarias to support him in all his en- 

terprizes, and to consult with him in any measures he himself 

' ])ursued. But Ferdinand's power was not sufficient to eradicate 

J that enmit} which Pedrarias had for Balboa. 

j The interposition and exhortations of the bishop of Darien, 

( produced a short-lived reconciliation ; and Pedrarias agreed to 

I give his daughter in marriage to Balboa. The first effijct of their 



;0 HISTORY OF 

concord was, that Balboa was permitted to make several excun- 
sions into the country. These were conducted with such pru- 
dence, as added to his reputation. Many adventurers resorted 
to him, and with the support of Pedrarias, he began to prepare 
for his expedition to the »South Sea. 

After surmounting many obstacles, he finished four brigan- 
tines; in these, with three hundred chosen men. (a force superior 
to ihat with which Pizarro afterwards undertook the same expe- 
dition) he was ready to sail towards Peru, when he received an 
unexpected messaj^e from Pedrarias, who began to dread the 
prosperity of a man, whom, (notwithstanding his late reconcilia- 
tion) he envied and feared; and so violently did the passions of 
hatred, fear, and jealousy operate upon his mind, that, in order 
to gratify his venejeance, he scrupled not to oppose the orders of 
his sovereign, and defeat an undertaking of the utmost impor- 
tance to his country. 

Under false but plausible pretexts, he desired Balboa to put 
off his voyage for a short time, and to repair to Aela, in order 
that he might have an interview with him. Balboa, conscious of 
no crime, instantly obeyed the summons 5 but, no sooner had he 
arrived, than he was instantly arrested, by order of Pedraiias, 
whose impatience to satiate his revenge, did not suffer him long 
to languish in confinement. Judges were immediately appointed 
to proceed on his trial. Disloyalty to the king, and an intention 
to revolt against the governor, were the crimes he was accused 
of: sentence of death 'was pronounced ; and notwithstanding the 
judges who passed it, seconded by the principal inhabitants of the 
colony, interceded warmly for his pardon, Pedrarias was inex- 
orable : and to the sorrow and astonishment of the whole colony, 
they beheld the public execution of a man, whom they univer- 
sally esteemed more capable than any who had command in 
America, of forming and executing great designs. 

After the death of Balboa, several officers who had served un- 
der Pedrarias, entered in to an association to undertake a voy- 
age of discovery. They persuaded Francisco Hernandez Cor- 
dova, a wealthy planter in Cuba, and a man of distinguished 
courage, to join with them in the enterprize 

Velasquez, governor of Cuba, approved of the design, and as- 
sisted in carrying it on ; he and Cordova advanced money for 
purchasing three small vessels, and furnished them with every 
thing necessary, either for traffic or war. One hundred and ten 
men embarked on board of them, and sailed from Cuba, on the 
eighth of February, 1517. They stood directly west, relying on 
the opinion of Columbus, v,ho uniformly maintained, that a 
westerly course would lead to the most important discoveries. 

On the twenty-first day after their departure from Cuba, they 
saw land ; which proved to be Cape Catoche, the eastern point 



AMERICA. 71 

fti that large peninsula projecting from the continent, which stili 
retains its original name of Yucatan. 

>^ As they approached the shore, five canoes came off, filled with 
people decently clad in cotton garments; an astonishing specta- 
cle to the Spaniards, who had been accustomed to see nothing 
but naked savages, in all their former excursions. The natives, 
though amazed at the Europeans, invited them to visit their hab- 
itations, with the appearance of great cordiality. They landed 
accordingly ; and as they advanced into the country, they were 
surprized at the sight of large houses built with stime. Not- 
withstanding their improvements in the arts of civilized life, 
above their countrvmen, the Spaniards found them also more art- 
ful and warlike. For, though the cazique received Cordova with 
many tokens of friendship, he had placed a large body of his 
countrymen in ambush behind a thicket, who, upon a signal giv- 
en by him, rushed out and attacked the Spaniards with great 
boldness, and in some degree of martial order. 

At the first flight of their arrows, fifteen of the »Spaniards were 
wounded. But the Indians were struck with such terror, by the 
sudden explosion of their fire arms, and so intimidated not only 
! by them, but by the cross-bows, and other weapons of their ene« 
I miej, that they fled precipitately; and Cordova was willing to 
I leave a country, where he had met with such a fierce reception, 
( carrying olf two prisoners, together with the ornaments of a small 
I temple, which he plundered in his retreat. 
1 He continued to pursue a westerly course keeping the coast in 

* view, and on the sixteenth day arrived at Campeachy. There 
' the natives received them with more hospitality. They proceed- 

* ed further along the coast, and discovered the mouthof a river 
I at Pontonchon, some leagues beyond Campeachy. Cordova land- 
I ed all his troops to protect the sailors, who were employed in fill- 
i ing their casks with water. The natives, nevertheless, rushed 
i down upon them with such fury, and in such numbers, that forty- 
j seven of the Spaniards were killed upon the spot, and but one 

man among them escaped unhurt. Their commander, though 
Uvounded in twelve different places, directed the retreat with 

prudence equal to the courage with which he had led them on to 
i the engagement, and with much difficulty they regained their 

ships. 

Nothing remained now but to hasten back to Cuba with their 

shattered forces. They suti'ered extremely for want of water, 

especially the wounded and sickly who were exposed to the heat 

of th« torrid zone. Some of them died, and Cordova, their com- 
jmander, expired soon after they landed in Cuba. 
I Notwithstanding the unfortunate issue of this expedition, they 

liad HOW discovered an extensive territory not far from Cuba ; 

the circumstances related by the adventurers with exaggeiration 



r2 HISTORY OF 

natural to men desirous to spread the merits of their own exploits, 
were sufficient to raise romantic hopes and expectations. Great 
numbers offered to engage in anew expedition. Velasquez, eager 
to distinguish himself by some brilliant undertaking, as might en- 
title him to c'aim the government of Cuba, independent of the 
admiral, at his own expense fitted out four ships for the voyage. 
In these embarked two hundred and forty volunteers, among 
whom were several persons of rank and fortune. 

The command was given to Juan de Grijalva, a young officer 
of distinguished merit and courage. He sailed from Cuba on the 
, eighth of April 1518: they held the same course as in the former 
voyage ; but the violence of the currents carried them farther 
south. The first land they made was the island of Cozumel, to 
the east of Yucatan : and without any remarkable occurrence, 
they reached Pontonchon on the opposite side of the peninsula. 

The desire of revenging their countrymen who were slain there, 
as well as from policy, they were eager to land. But though they 
embarked all their troops, as well as some field pieces, the In- 
dians fought wiih such courage, that the Spaniards gained the 
victory with difficulty. 

From Potonchon they continued their voyage towards the^est, 
keeping near the shore. During the day their eyes were con- 
stantly towards the land, with surprize and wonder at the beauty 
of the country, and the novelty of objects around them. Many 
villages were scattered along the coast, in which they could dis- 
tinguish houses of stone that appeared white and lofty at a dis- 
tance ; one of the soldiers remarked that this country resembled 
Spain at a distance. Grijalva, with universal applause, called it 
New Spain, the name which still distinguishes this extensive 
and opulent province. 

On the ninth of June they landed at a river which the natives 
called Tobasco, and the fame of their victory at Potonchon hav- 
ing reached this place, the cazique received them amicably, and 
bestowed presents upon them, of such value as inspired them with 
high ideas of the wealth and fertility of the country. These ideas 
were confirmed at the next place at whveh they touched ; this 
was at the west of Tobasco, in the province since known by the 
name of Guaxaco. They were received with respect paid as to 
superior beings. The people perfumed them as they landed, 
with incense of gum copal, and offered them the most choice deli- 
cacies of their country : and in six days the Spaniards obtained 
ornaments of gold of curious workmanship to the value of fifteen 
thousand pesos, in exchange for European toys of small value. 

As the Spaniards could not understand the language of the na- 
tives, they learned from them by signs that they were the subjects 
of a great monarch called Montezuma, whose dominion extend- 
ed over that and many other provinces. 



AMERICA. to 

Leaving this place they landed on a small island which they 
called the island of Sacrifices ; because there they beheld, for 
the first time, human victims which the natives had offered to their 
gods. Some of the officers contended that it was requisite to es- 
tablish a colony in the country they had discovered. Grijalva 
judged it more prudent to return to Cuba. This was the most 
successful voyage the Spaniards had hitherto made in the New 
World. 

Velasquez had been informed of the success of the entorprizfe 
by an ofiieer despatched for that purpose by Grijalva, who imme- 
diately sent an account to Spain of the success of the voyage ; 
without waiting for the orders of his sovereign, he prepared for 
another expedition. This terminated in conquests of greater 
moment than any they had hitherto achieved, and will be related 
in the next book. When Grijalva returned to Cuba, he fou*nd 
an armament in readiness to attempt the conquest of that coun- 
try, which he had discovered. Ambition and avarice urged Velas- 
quez to hasten his preparations; and the alluring prospect of 
gratifying both, made him cheerfully advance considerable sums 
from his private fortune, to defray the expense. Soldiers eager 
to embark in any daring enterprize soon appeared. The diffi- 
culty lay in finding a person fit to take the command. 

Velasquez was solicitous to ciioose a commander intrepid, and 
one who possessed superior abilities ; but at the same time from 
a jealousy natural to little minds, he wished him to be so tame and 
obsequious as to be entirely dependent upon his will. But he was 
soon convinced that it was impossible to unite such incompatible 
qualities in one person. Those who were conspicuous fcr courage, 
were too high spirited to be his passive tools ; and those who ap- 
peared gentle and tractable, were deficient of the necessary qual- 
ifications requisite for such an undertaking. He deliberated 
long, and still continued irresolute until Amado de Lares, the 
royal treasurer in Cuba, and Andres Duero, his own secretary, 
in whom he placed great confidence, proposed Fernando Cortes, 
and supported their recommendation with such address and assi- 
duity as proved successful, Cortes was born at Medellin, a small 
town in Estremadura, in the year 1485, and descended from a 
noble family ; but of very moderate fortune. He was sent early 
by his parents to the university of Salamanca, where he made 
some progress in learning. An academic life not suiting his ar- 
dent and restless genius, he retired to Medellin, where he gave 
himself up entirely to active sports, and martial exercises. At 
this period of his life, he was so impetuous and overbearing, and 
so dissipated, that his father was glad to comply with his incli- 
nation, and sent him abroad as an adventurer inarms. 

The Spanish youth who courted military glory, had an oppor- 
tunity to display their valour either in Italy, under the command 

G 



^"'^ HISTORY OF 

of the great captain, or in the New World. Cortes preferred the 
former, but was prevented by indisposition from embarking with 
a reinforcement of troops sent to Naples. Then he turned his 
views towards America, where he hoped to advance himself un- 
der the patronage of Ovando, who was at that time governor of 
Hispaniola, and his kinsman. His reception was such as equalled 
his most sanguine hopes ; and the governor employed him in se- 
veral honourable and lucrative stations. 

But his ambition was not to be satisfied with the moderate 
jneans of acquiring wealth or fame. It was in the stormy and 
active scenes of a military life, that he wished to distinguish 
liimself. 

With this view he requested permission to accompany Velas- 
ques in his expedition to Cuba. In this service he acquitted him- 
self so well, that notwithstanding some violent contests, occa- 
sioned by trivial causes, with Velasquez, he was at length taken 
into favour, and received an ample share of lands and Indians. 
Though Cortes had not hitherto acted in high command, he 
bad displayed such abilities in scenes of difficulty and danger, as 
raised universal expectation, and turned the eyes of his country- 
men to\vards him, as one capable of executing great designs. 
The turbulence of youth, as soon as he found objects suited to 
the ardour of his mind, gradually subsided into a regular habit of 
indefatigable activity. The impetuosity of his temper, when he 
oame to act with his equals, abated, and mellowed into a cordial 
soldierly frankness, These qualities were accompanied with 
calm prudence in concerting his schemes, and with persevering 
vigour in executing them ; and what is peculiar to superior ge- 
nius, the art of gaining the confidence, and governing the minds 
of men. To all which was added a graceful person, an insinuat- 
ing address, extraordinarily alert in martial exercises, and a 
vigorous constitution, capable of enduring the greatest fatigue. 

As soon as Cortes was meniioned to Velasquez by his two con- 
fidents, he flattered himself that he had found a man with talents 
for command, but not an object of jealousy. He concluded that 
his rank and fortune were not sufficient to inspire him with the 
hopes of independence. Several favours he had conferred upon 
Cortes ; and by this nev/ and unexpected mark of confidence, 
Velasquez hoped to attach him forever to his interest. 

Coites received his commission with the warmest expression of 
respect and gratitude to the governor, and immediately erected 
his standard before his own house, and assumed all the ensigns of 
his new dignity, lie persuaded many of his friends to engage in 
the service, and to ur^e forward the preparations for the voyage. 
He mortgaged all his lands and Indians to procure money, which 
he expended in purchasing military stores and provisions, or in 
supplying such of his officers as were unable to equip themselves 
na TO^jJuer suited lo their rank. 



AMERICA. 7Ji 

Inoffensive and laudible as this conduct was, his diappomted 
competitors were so malicious as to give it a turn to his disadvan ; 
tage : they accused him of aimieg, with little disguise, to estab« 
lish an independent authority over his troops, and endeavour- 
ing to secure their respect and love, by an ostentatious display of 
his liberality. They reminded Velasquez of his former dissen- 
tions, with the man in whom he now reposed so much confidence ; 
and predicted that Cortes would avail himself of the power 
which he was putting into his hands to avenge past injuries, ra- 
ther than to requitelate obligations. These insinuations made 
a powerful impression on the jealous mind of Velasquez. 

Cortes soon observed a growing alienation and distrust in his 
behaviour, and was advised by his friends Lares and Duero, to 
hasten his departure, before these should become so confirmed, as 
to break out into open violence, Cortes, sensible of the danger, 
hastened his preparations with such rapidity, that he set sail 
from St. Jago de Cuba on the eighteenth of November; Velas- 
quez accompanied him to the shore, and took leave of him witli 
apparent tViendship, though he had secretly given it in charge tp 
some of his officers, to have a watchful eye upon every part of 
their commander's conduct. 

Cortes proceeded to Trinidad, a small settlement on the samei 
^side of the island, where he was joined by several adventurers, 
and received a further supply of provisions and stores. He had. 
hardly left St. Jago, when the jealousy of Velasquez grew so vio- 
lent, as to be impossible for him to suppress it. Imagination now 
exaggerated every circumstance which had before excited sus- 
picion : his rivals, by their suggestions, increased his fears, and 
called superstition to their aid, employing the predictions of an 
astrologer to complete their designs. All these united, produced 
the desired etfect. Velasquez repented bitterly of his own im- 
prudence, in committing a trust of such importance to a person, 
in v;l)ose fidelity he could no longer trust ; and hastily despatched 
instiuetions to Trinidad, empovvering Verdugo, the chief magis- 
trate there, to deprive Cortes of his commission. But Cortes se- 
cure in the esteem and confidence of his troops, and finding they 
were zealous to support his authority : he, by soothing or inti- 
midating Verdugo, was permitted to depart from Trinidad with- 
out molestati(>n. 

Cortes sailed for the Havanna, in order to raise more soldiers 
and complete the victualling of his fleet. There several person.s 
of distinction entered into his service, and engaged to supply 
what provisions were wanting. 

While this was doing, Velasquez availed himself of the inter- 
val, sensible that it would be improper to rely on a man of whom 
he had openly shown such distrust, made one attempt more to 
wrest the command out of the hands of Cortes. Anxious to 



?6 HISTORY Oh 

guard against a second disappointment, he sent a person, in whom 
he could contide, to the Havanna, with pereniptory injunctions to 
Pedro Barba, his lieutenant governer in that colony, instantly to 
arrest Cortes, and send him prisoner to St. Jago under a strong 
guard : and to countermand the departure of the arniament un- 
til he should receive further orders. 

He also wrote to the principal officers, requiring them to as- 
sist Barba in executing what he had given him in charge. Fortu- 
Bately for Cortes, a Franciscan tViar of St. Jago ha<l secretly 
conveyed an account of this interesting intelligence to Bartholo- 
mew de Olmedo, a monk of the same order, and who acted as 
chaplain to the expedition. This gave Cortes time to take precau - 
tions for his safety. He found some pretext to remove from the 
Havanna, Diego de Ordaz, an clhcer of great abilities, but 
■whose known attachment to Velasquez, made it unsafe to trust 
him in this trying and delicate juncture. He therefore gave him 
the command of a vessel that was to preceed to a small harbour 
beyond Cape Antonio, and thus removed him from his presence, 
without appearing to suspect his fidelity. 

When Ordaz Mas gone, Cortes informed his officers and sol- 
diers who were equally impatient to set out upon the expedition, 
in preparing for which, most of them had expended all their for- 
tunes. They expressed their astonishment and indignation at 
that illiberal jealousy, to which the governor was about to sacri- 
fice the honour of their general, and all their sanguine hopes of 
wlory and wealth. They all with one voice entreated him, not 
to abandon them, and deprive them of a leader whom they fol- 
lowed with such unbounded confidence, and offered to shed the 
last drop of their blood in maintaining his authority. Cortes was 
easily persuaded to com|»ly with what he so ardently desired. 
He swore he would never desert soldiers, who had given him 
such a signal proof of their attachment, and promised instantly 
to conduct them to that rich country, which liad been so long 
the subject of their thoughts and wishes. 

This declaration was received with transports of military ap- 
plause, accompanied with threats and imprecations against all 
uho should presume to call in (piestion the jurisdiction of their 
general, or obstruct the execution of hi-* de>igns. Every thing 
vas now ready for their departure. T!ie ileet consisted of eleven 
vessels, the largest was one humired tons burden, wliich was 
dignitied with the name of admiral ; three of seventy or eighty 
tons, and the rest small open barks. On board of these were 
six hundred and seventeen men; of which, five hundred and 
ei^ht belonged to the land service, and a hundred and nine were 
seamen and artificers. The soldiers were divided into eleven 
companies, to each of which Cortes appointed a captain. 

As the use of fire-arms among the nations of Europe, was 



AMERICA. 77 

hitherto confined to a few battalions of disciplined infantry, only 
thirteen soldiers were armed with muskets, thirty-two wer(> 
cross bow men, and the rest had swords an<l spears. Instead of 
their usual defensive armour, they wore quil'ed cotten jackets; 
these had been found a sufSicient protection ai^ainst the weapons 
of the Indians. They had only sixteen horses, ten small fteld 
pieces, and four falconets, 

With this slender and ill -provided train, did Cortes set sail 
to make war upon a monarch, whose dominions were more exten- 
sive, than all the kinj^doms subject to the Spanish crown. A 
laige cross was displayed on their standards, with tiiis inscrip- 
tion, " Let us follow the cross, for under this %\%w we shall con- 
quer.-' Thus, enthusiasm and avarice united in prompting the 
tSpaniards in all their enterprizes. 

So ]»owerful!y wereCortes and his companions, animated witli 
both these passions, that no less ea^er to plunder the opulent 
country, to which they were bound, than zealous to propai;ate 
the Christian faith amonji; its inhabitants, they set out with that 
confidence which arises from security of success, and certainty 
of divine protection. 

Cortes steered directly for the island of Cozumel, which Gri- 
jalva had visited ; there he had the good fortune to redeem Je- 
rome de Aguilar, a Spaniard, vvho had been eight- years a pri- 
soner among the Indians. This man was perfectly acquainted 
with a dialect of their language, understo(»d through a large 
extent of country, and who possessed besides, a considerable 
share of prudence an<l sagacity : and who proved extremely use- 
ful as an interpreter. 

From Cozumel, Cortes proceeded to Tabasco, in hopes of 
n^eeting as friendly a reception from the natives, as Grijalva had 5. 
and of finding gold in the same abundance : but the disposition 
of the natives was entirely changed. Aftpr endeavouring in ^ 
vain to conciliate their good vail, he was constrained to havjB M 
recourse to violence. Though the forces of the enemy were nu- 
merous, and advanced with extraordinary courage, they were 
routed with great slaughter, in several successive actions. The 
loss they sustained, and still more the astonishment and terror 
excited by the destructive effects of the fire-arms, and the dread- 
ful appearance of the horses, humbled their fierce spirits, and, 
induced them to sue for peace. They acknowledged the king of 
Castile as their sovereign, and granted Cortes a supply of pro- 
visions, with a present of cotton garments, some gold, and 
twenty female slaves. 

The next place they touched at, was St. Juan de Ulua. As he 
entered «he harbour, alargecanoe, full of people, amongst whom 
there appeared.two persons of distinction, who approached the 
ship with signs of peace and friendship. They came on board . 

G-2 



rs HISTORY OF 

uithout fear, or shewing any symptoms of distrust, and addres;^- 
ed Cortes in a most respectful manner, but in a language un- 
known to Ao;uilar. Cortes was in the utmost perplexity at an 
event, which he instantly foresawWould be attended with very 
disagreeable consequences. But he did not remain long in this 
embarrassed situation. One of the female slaves, whom he had 
received from the cazique of Tabasco, was present at the inter- 
view: she saw (he distress of Cortes, and the confusion of Agui- 
lar; and, as she perfectly understood the Mexican language, 
she explained what they said in the Yucatan tongue. This wo- 
man, known afterwards by the name of Donna Marina, will 
make a considerable tigure in the history of the New World : hav- 
ing been carried oil" a captive by some hostile party, after a variety 
of adventures, had fallen into the hands of the Tabascans, though 
formerly a native of the Mexican empire. 

Though it was tedious and troublesome to converse by the in- 
tervention of two dilVerent interpreters, Corfes was so highly 
pleased, that he considered it in the transports of his joy, as a 
visible interposition of Divine Providence in his favour. 

The two persons whom he had received on board his ship, were 
deputies fiom Pilpatoe and Teutile; the one governor of that 
province, ui;der a great monarch, whom they called ivlontezuma; 
and the other, the commander of his forces there. They inform- 
ed Cortes, that they were sent to inqune what v.ere his views in 
visiting their coast and tooHer him assistance if he stood in need, 
in order to continue his voyage. Cortes struck with the appear- 
ance of those people, as well as the tenor of their message, as- 
sured them in respectful terms, that he approached their country 
with the most friendly intentions; that he came to propose mat- 
ters of great importance to the weifiire of their prince and peo- 
ple, which he would unfold more fully in person to the governor 
and general. ^, 

Kext morning, without waiting for an answer, he landed- his 
troops, his horses and artillery; and began to erect huts, and for- 
tify his camp. The natives, iriStead of opposing tlie entrance 
cf those fatal guests into their country, assisted them in all their 
operations, with an alacrity of which ihey afterwards had good 
reason to repent. 

Kext day Pilpatoe an<l Teutile entered the Spanish camp witli 
a numerous retinue; and Cortes treated them with that respect 
due to the niiuisters of a great monarch, and received them with 
jnuch formal ceremony, lie informed them that he came as am- 
bassador from Don Carlos of Austria, king of Castile, the great- 
est monarch of the east : and was entrusted with propositions of 
such moment that he conld impart them to none but the emperor 
Montezuma himself; and therefore required them toconduct hi^ii 
without delay iiito the presence cf tjieir master. 



AMERICA. ry 

The Mexican officers could not conceal their uneasiness at a 
request which they knew would be disagretable to their sove- 
reit^n, whose mind had been filled with i?jany crisquieting appre- 
hensions ever since the Spaniards had first appeared on their 
coasts. Before they offered to dissuade Cortes from his demand, 
they endeavoured to conciliate his good wiiL by entreating him 
to accept of certain presents, which, as humble slaves to Mon- 
tezuma, they laid at his f-ef. These they introduced with g^eat 
parade, and consisted of tine cotton cloth, of plumes of various 
colours, and of ornaments of eiold and silver, to a considerable 
value; the workmanship was curious, and the materials rich. 

The elie<'t of these was very different to \^hat tliey intended. 
Instead of satisfying the Spaniards, it increased their avidity, 
and rendered them so impatient of becoming masters of a coun- 
try which abounded with such precious commodities, that Coites 
could hardly listen with patience to the arguments of Pilpa- 
toe and Teutile, to dissuade him from visiting; the capital : and 
in a haughty and determined tone insisted on being admitted to 
a personal audience of their sovereign. 

During this interview, some painters in the train of the Mex- 
ican chiefs, had been diligently employed in delineating upon 
white cotton cloth, figures of the ships and horses, the artillery, 
the soldiers, and whatever else appeared to them nev*' and singu- 
lar. When Cortes was informed that these pictures were to be 
sent to Montezuma ; to render the representation still more ani- 
mating and interesting, and make the i.npression more awful, he 
ordered the trumpets to sound an alarm, the troops in a moment 
formed in order of battle, the infantry performed such ma; tial 
exercises, as were best suited to display the effect of their differ- 
ent weapons; the horse, in various evolutions, shewed their as^i- 
lityand strength; the artillery pointed towards the thick woods, 
which was in front of the carnp, made dreadful havoc amon^ 
the trees. The Mexicans looked on with silent amazement, at 
objects so awful, and above their comprehension. At the explo- 
sion of the cannon, many of them fled, some fell on the ground, 
and all v^ere so much confounded at the sij^ht of men, whose 
power, in their opinion, so nearly resenibled the gods, that 
Cortes, with difficulty composed them. The ingenuity of the 
painters was put to the test, to invent figures and characters to 
represent things so new and extraordinary. Messengers were 
immediately despatched to Montezuma, with those pictures, an4 
a full account of every thing that had passed since the arrival 
of the Spaniards ; and by them Cortes sent a present of some 
European curiosities to Montezuma. 

The Mexican monarchs, in order to obtain early information 
of every occurrence in all the corners of their vast empire, had 
posted couriers; or rurinersj at diffei*e;ii; stations along the prin-. 



so mSTORV OF 

cipal roads, who relieved one another, at proper distances ; uv 
which method they couveyed intelligence with surprizing ra- 
pidity. 

Thouj;h tlie capital of Montezuma was one hundred and eigh- 
ty Hiiles from St. Julian de Ulua, the presents to C ortes were 
carried thither, and an answer received of his demands in a few 
days. The same ofticers who hail hitherto treated wiih the Spa- 
niards, were employed lo deliver this answer : btit as they knew 
how repugnant the determination of their master was to the 
\>ishes of the Spanish commander, they would not venture to 
make it known, until they had first endeavoured to sootlie and 
mollify him. They therefore renewed the neijociation hy infro- 
ducins; a train of a hundred Indians loaded with presents, sent 
him hy Montezuma. 

The ma2:nilicence of these presents exceeded any they had yet 
received, and raised their ideas of the wealth of the country, and 
the grandeur of the monarch. They were placed upon mats on 
the ground, in such order as shew ed them to the greatest advan- 
tage. Cortes and his followers viewed with admiration, the va- 
rious mani)faeturcs of the country : the cotton stufis were of so 
fine a texture, as to resemhle silk : pictures of animals, trees, and 
other natural ohjects, formed with feathers of different colours, 
disposed and mingled with such skill and elegance, as to rival 
the works of the pencil in heauty of imitation. But what princi- 
pally attracted their attention, was two large plates of a circu- 
lar form, one of massive gold, representing the sun, the other of 
silver, an emhlem of the moon : these were accompanied with. 
bracelets, collars, rings, and other trinkets of gold, with boxes 
of pearls, precious stones, and grains of unwnmght gold. Cor- 
tes received these with an appearance of profound veneration for 
the monarch hy whom they w ere bestowed. 

But wWn the Mexicans presuming upon this, informed him, 
that their master, though he desirtd him to accept of what he 
hid sent, as expressive of that regard for the prince who had 
sent him ; yet, at the same tine informed him, that he w( uld not 
give his consent that foreign troops should approach nearer his 
capital : or even allow them to continue longer in his donnnions. 
Cortes declared in a manner more resolute and pe empti>ry tlian 
formerly, thai he must insist on his tirst demand, as he could not, 
without dishonour, return to his own sovereign, until he had been 
permitted to visit the piince, agreeably to his instructions. 

The Mexicans were astonished, that any man should dare to 
appose that will which they were accustomed to consider as su» 
pi erne and irresistable : yet afraid of coming to an openruptuie 
w ith such formidable enemies, prevailed with Cortes to continue 
in his present camp until further instructions from Moutezunic, 

The Mexican monarch had now no oilier choice, but either to 
receive, Cortes as a friend, or oppose him openly as aa enemy. 



AiMERICA. 81 

♦"^ 

*The latter was what might have been expected from a haughty 
prince in possession of such extensive powers ; his authority un- 
bounded, and his revenues considerable. 

If he had assembled his numerous forces and fallen upon the 
Spaniards while encamped on a barren, unhealthy coast, without 
a single ally to support them, no place of retreat, and destitute 
of provisions, notwithstanding their superior discipline and arms, 
they must have all been cut olf in such an unequal contest, or 
iiave abandoned the enterprize. 

As the power of Montezuma enabled him to take this spirited 
part, his own disposition naturally prompted him to it. Of all the 
priaces who had swayed the Mexican sceptre he was the most 
haughty, the most violent, and the most impatient of control. 
His subjects looked up to hiui with awe, and his enemies with 
terror. The former he governed with unexampled rigour, but 
they were impressed with an opinion of his capaeitj^, that com- 
manded their respect : over the latter he had spread such fear 
by the success of his arms, thatthey dreaded his power, andgroan- 
ed under his tyrannj. Though his talents were sufficient for the 
government of a state, so imperfectly polished as the Mexican 
empire, they were altogether inadequate to the present conjunc- 
ture : he was neither qualilied to judge with discernment, nor to 
act with that tlecision necessary in such a tryintj; emergency. 

From the first account of the Spaniards appearing on the coast, 
he discovered symptoms of timidity and embarrassiuent ; he de- 
liberated with anxiety and hesitation, which did not escape the 
notiee of his meanest courtiers. Vhe perplexity and discompo- 
sure upon this occasion, and the general dismay that prevailed, 
was not altogether owing to the iiupression the Spaniards had 
made by the novelty of their appearance, and the terror of their 
arms. There was an opinion, if the account of the most autlien- 
tic Spanish historians deserves credit, and almost universal 
amoni*: the Americans, that some dreadful calamity was impend- 
ing over their heails, from a race of formidable invaders, who 
should come from regions towards the risinj^sun, to overrun and 
desolate their country. 

As the Mexicans were more prone to superstition than any peo- 
ple in the Niw World, they were more deeply aftected with the 
appearance of the Spaniard,^, whom they considered as the in- 
strumeiits destined to bring about the revolution which they so 
much dreatied. Under these circumstances it ceases to be in- 
credible that a handful of adventurers should alarm the monarch 
of a great empire and all his subjects. 

Notwithstanding;;, when Montezuma was informed that Cortes 
adhered to his original demand, and refused to obey his enjoin- 
ing him to leave the country, in a transport of rage natural to 
a fierce prince, unaccustomed to opposition, he threatened to 



82 HISTORY OE" 

sacrifice those intruding strangers to his gods. But instead ot 
issuing orders to put his threats into execution, he summoned his 
ministers to confer, and offer their advice. 'i' • 

The Mexican council were satisfied with issuing a more 
positive injunction, requiring them to leave the country ; but be- 
trayed such timidity and infatuation, that they accompanied this 
order with a present of such value, as proved a fresh inducement 
to remain there. A variety of sentiments prevailed among the 
Spaniards; from what they had already' seen, many of them 
formed such extravagant ideas, concerning the opulence of the 
country, that despising every danger and hardship, they were 
eager to attempt tne conquest. Others estimating the power of - 
the Mexican empire by its wealth, contended it would be an act 
of the wildest frenzy to attack such a state, with a small body 
of men, in want of provisions, unconnected with an ally, and 
already debilitated by the diseases of the climate. 

Cortes secretly encouraged and applauded the advocates for 
bold measures, and cherished their romantic hopes : as such ideas 
accorded with his own, and favoured the execution of the bold 
schemes he had already formed. 4^ 

As Velasquez had openly attempted to deprive him of his au- 
thority, he saw the necessity of dissolving a connexion which 
would obstruct and embairass alibis operations; and watched 
for a proper opportunity of coming to a final rupture with him. 
Having this in view, he assiduously laboured to gain and secure 
the esteem and affection of his soldiers. 

Cortes availed himself of all opportunities to insinuate himself 
into their favour, by his affable manners, by well-timed acts of lib- 
erality to some, by inspiring all with vast hopes, and by allow- 
ing them to trade privately with ihe natives, he attached the 
greater part of the soldiers so firmly to himself, that they almost 
forgot that the armament had been fitted out by the authority 
and at the expense of another. 

During these intrigues, Teutile arrived with the present from 
Montezuma, and, together with it, delivered the ultioiate order of 
that monarch to depart instantly out of his dominions ; and when <j 
Cortes, instead of complying, renewed his request of an audi- 
ence, the Mexican turned from him abruptly, and quitted the 
camp, with looks and gestures which strongly expressed his sur- 
prize and resentment. Next morning the natives, who used to 
frequent the camp, to barter with the soldiers and bring provi- 
sions, absented ; all friendly correspondence seemed now to be at 
an end, and it was expected every moment that hostilities would 
commence. 

Although this might have been foreseen, yet it occasioned a 
sudden consternation among the Spaniards, which emboldened 
the adherents of Velasqiiez not only to murmur and cabal against 



~^ AMERICA. 85 

their general, but to appoint one of their number to remonstrate 
openly against his imprudence in attempting the conquest of a 
mighty empire, with sufh inadequate force ; and to ur^e the ne- 
cessity of returning to Cuba, in order to refit the flaet, and aug- 
ment their army. 

Diego de Ordaz, one of his principal officers, who was charged 
with this commission, delivered it with soldierly freedom, assur- 
ing him that he spoke the sentiments of the whole army. Cortes 
heard him without any appearance of emotion. As he well knew 
the temper and wishes of his soldiers, he carried his dissimula- 
tion so far as to seem to relinquish his own measures, in com- 
pliance with the request of Ordaz, and issued orders that the ar- 
my should be ready to embark the next day for Cuba. 

No sooner was this known, than the disappointed adventurers 
exclaimed and threatened ; the emissaries of Cortes mingling 
.with them inflamed their rage ; the ferment became general ; the 
whole camp was almost in open mutiny; all demanding with ea- 
gerness to see their commander. Cortes was not slow in appear- 
ing : when with one voice, they expressed their astonishment 
and indignation at the orders which they had received. It was 
unworthy, they cried, of the Castilian couraaje, to be daunted at 
the first aspect of danger ; and infamous to fly, before an enemy 
appeared. For their parts they were determined not to relinquish 
the enterprize ; that they were happy under his command, and 
would follow him with alacrity through every danger : but if he 
chose to return to Cuba, and tamely give up all hopes of dis- 
tinction and opulence, to an envious rival, they would instantly 
choose another general to conduct them in that path of glory, 
which he had not spirit to enter. 

Cortes delighted with their ardour, took no offence at the 
boldness with which it was uttered ; the sentiments were what he 
himself had inspired ; and he was now satisfied that they had 
imbibed them thoroughly. He affected, however, to be surpris- 
ed at what he heard, declaring that his order to prepare for em- 
barking was issued from a persuasion that it was agreeable to his 
troops ; and from deference to what he had been informed was 
their inclination, he had sacrificed his own private opinion, which 
was firmly bent on establishing immediately a settlement on 
the sea-coast, and then on endeavouring to penetrate into the 
interior of the country : and, as he now perceived they were 
animated with the generous spirit which breathed in every true 
Spaniard, he would resume, with fresh ardour, his original plan 
of operations : not but that he should be able to conduct them in 
the career of victory, to such independent fortunes as their va- 
lour merited. Upon this declaration, shouts of applause testifi" 
ed their excess of joy. 
NvtwithatftRding there appeared to be an unanimous consent t^ 



84 HISTORY OF 

this measure, there were those in the interest of Velasquez who 
secretly condemned it, but were obliged to stifle their real senti- 
ments, to avoid the appearance of disaffection lo their general, as 
well as the imputation of cowardice from their fellow soldiers. In 
order to give a beginning to the colony, he assembled the princi- 
pal persons in his army, and by their suffrage elected a council 
and magistrates, in whom tlie government was to be vested. The 
masistraies were distinguished by the names and ensigns of office. 
All the persons chosen, were firmly devoted to Cortes, and the 
instrument of their election was framed in the king's name, with- 
out any mention of their dependance upon Velasquez. The name 
which "Cortes bestowed on the intended settlement was Villa Rica 
de la Vera Cruz, tliat i-^. The Rich Town of the True Cross. 

The first act of importance decided by the new council was the 
appointment of Cortes to the supreme jurisdiction, as well civil as 
military, over the colony. The soldiers w ith eager applause rati- 
fied their choice : the air resounded with the name of Cortes. 

He now began to assume greater dignity, and exercise more 
extensive powers : formerly he acted only as the deputy of a sub- 
ject ; but now as the representative of his sovereign. The adhe- 
rents of Velasquez could no longer continue silent and passive 
spectators of his aetions. They exclaimed openly against the 
proceedings of the council as illegal, and against those of the ar- 
my as mutinous. Cortes instantly pereeived the necessity of giv- 
ing a timely check to such seditious discourses, by some prompt 
and vigorous measures ; arrested Oidez, Escudero, and Velas- 
quez de Leon, the ringleaders of the faction, and sent them pris- 
oners on board the lleet, loaded with chains. 

Their dependants, astonished and overawed, remained quiet, 
and Cortes, more desirous to reclaim than punish his prisoners, 
who were ofiicers of great merit, courted their friendship with 
such assiduity and address, that the reconciliation was perfectly 
cordial ; and never after on the most trying occasions did they 
attempt to swerve from their attachment to his interest. 

Cortes having now rendered the union between himself and his 
army indissoluble, thought he might now quit the camp in which 
he had remained hitherto, and advance into the country. To this 
he was encouraged by an event both fortunate and seasonable. 
Some Indians having approached his camp in a mysterious man- 
ner, were conducted into his presence. These were deputies sent 
by the caz.que of Zempoalla, a considerable town at no great 
distance. By them he gathered that their master, though a subject 
of Montezuma, was impatient of the yoke, and that nothing could 
be more acceptable to him than a deliverance from the oppression 
under which they groaned. On hearing this a ray of light and 
hope broke in upon the mind of Cortes. He saw that the great 
empire he was about to attack was not united, nor the sovereign 



AMERICA. B5 

beloved. He concluded that the cause of disaffection could not be 
confined to one province, but that in other parts there must be 
malecontents, v>ho being weary of subjection, and desirous to 
change, would be ready to follow the standard of any protector. 
Full of these ideas, he gave a most gracious retreption to the 
Zempoallans, and promised soon to visit their cazique. 

To perform this promise it was not necessary to alter the route 
he had already fixed for his march. Some officers whom he. 
had employed to survey the coast, having discovered a village 
named Quiabisian, about forty miles to the northward, which, boihi 
on account of the fertility of the^soil, and commodiousness of the 
harbour, seemed to be a more proper station for a settlement, than 
that where he was encamped. Cortes upon this information was 
determined to remove thither. Zempoalla lay in his way, where 
the cazique received him with gifts, and caresses, and with re- 
spect approaching almost to adoration. From him he learned 
many particulars with respect to the character of Montezuma, 
and the circumstances that rendered his dominion odious. He 
was a tyrant, the cazique told him, with tears, haughty, croel, 
and suspicious ; who treated his own subjects with arrogance, 
ruined the conquered provinces by exactions, and tore their sons 
and daughters from them by violence : the former to be offered 
as victims to his £;ods ; the latter to be reserved as concubiaes 
for himself and his favourites. Cortes in reply to him, artfully 
insinuated that one of the great objects that induced the Spaniards 
to visit a country so distant from their own, was to redress griev- 
ances, and relieve the oppressed : thus having encouraged him 
to hope for his protection, he continued his march to Quiabisian. 
Here he marked out ground for a town, the dwellings to be 
erected were only huts ; but these were to be surrounded with for- 
tifications. Every man in the army, officers and soldiers, put 
their hands to the work; Cortes himself setting the example. 
The Indians of Zempoalla and Quiabisian, lent their assistance; 
and this petty station, the parent of so many great settlements, 
was soon in a state of defence. 

While they were engaged in this necessary work, Cortes had 
several interviews with the caziques of Zempoalla and Quiabis- 
ian, who had such a high opinion of the Spaniards, as to consider 
I them a superior order of beings : and encouraged by the promi- 
I ses of Cortes, they ventured to insult the Mexican power : at 
the very name of which, they were accustomed to tremble. Some 
of Montezuma's officers having appeared to levy the usual tri- 
' bute, and to demand a certain number of human victims, as an 
' expiation of their guilt, in presuming to hold a correspondence 
j with those strangers, whom the emperor had commanded to 
, leave his dominions ; instead of obeying the order, they made 
j those officers prisoners; treated them with great indignitv, and 

i H 



86 HISTORY OF 

Ihreatened to sacrifice them to tlieir gods. From this last dan- 
ger they were delivered by Cortes, who testified the utmost ab- 
horrence at the bare mention of such a barbarous deed. 

The two caz,iques, having now committed an act of open re- 
bellion, there appeared no hope of safety for them, but by at- 
tachino- themselves inviolably to the Spaniards. They soon com- 
pleted their union, by ncknowledging themselves subjects of the 
Spanish monarch. Their example was followed by the Toto- 
iiaques, a fierce people who inhabited the mountainous part of 
the country : and who offered to accompany Cortes with all their 
forces in his march towards Mexico. 

Cortes, before he began his march from Zempoalla, resolved 
upon an expedient whicl\ has no parallel in history : he had the 
address to persuade his soldiers, that it would be attended with 
important benefit to destroy the fleet; that, by not allowing the 
idea of a retreat possible, and fixing their eyes and wishes on 
what was before them ; he by this, could divert them from be- 
ins; inflamed by a mutinous spirit, which had, at sundry times, 
made its appearance, instigated by the partisans of Velasquez. 
^Vith universal consent the ships were drawn ashore 5 and, after 
stripping them of their rigging and iron-work, they were broke 
in pieces. Thus, from a magnanimous eftbrt, five hundred men 
voluntarily consented to be shut up in a hostile country, inhabited 
by powerful and unknown inhabitants; left without any other 
resource but their own valour and perseverance. 

Cortes began his march from Zempoalla, on the sixteenth of 
August, 1519, with five hundred men, fifteen horses, and six field 
pieces. The rest of the troops, consisting of those who from age 
and infirmity, were unfit for actual service, he left as a garrison 
at Villa Rica, under the command of Escalante, an officer of 
merit and warmly attached to his interest. The cazique of 
Zempoalla supplied him with provisions, and with two hundred 
of those Indians, called Tamemes, whose ofl^ice it was to carry 
burdens, and perform all servile labour. These were a great 
relief to the Spanish soldiers, as they not only eased them of their 
baggage, but also dragged along the artillery by main force. The 
cazujue oftered a considerable body of his troops, but Cortes was 
satisfied with four hundred, taking care to choose such persons 
of note, as might prove hostages for the fidelity of their luaster. 

No material occurrence happened, until they arrived on the 
confines of Tlascala. The inhabitants of that province were a 
warlike people, and although they were implacable enemies of 
Montezuma, and had maintained an obstinate and successful 
contest as^ainst him, were not inclined to adudt these formidable 
strangers into their territory. Cortes had hoped that their en- 
mity to the iMoxicans. and the example of Iheir ancient allies, 



AMERICA. §7 

the Zempoallans, might induce them to give him a tVicndly re- 
ception. 

In order to dispose them to this, four Zempoallans, of great 
eminence, were sent as ambassadors, to request in Cortes* name, 
and in that of their eazique, that they would permit the Spaniards 
to pass through their country on their way to Mexico. But in- 
stead of a favourable answer which was expected, the Tlascalans 
seized the ambassadors, and without any regard to their public 
character, made preparations for sacrificing them to their gods. 
At the same time, they assembled their troops, in order to op- 
pose those unknown invaders, if they should attempt to make 
their passage good, by the force of arms. Unaccustomed to any 
intercourse with foreigners, they were apt to consider every 
stranger as an enemy ; and upon the least suspicion of hostility 
were easily excited to arms. They concluded from Cortes' pro- 
posal of visiting Montezuma, in his capital, notwithstanding all 
his professions to the contrary, that he courted tiie friendship of 
that monarch, whom they hated and feared. The Spaniards, 
from the smallness of their number, were objects of contempt; 
not having any idea of the superiority which they derived from 
their arms and discipline. 

Cortes, after waiting some days, in vain, tlie return of the am- 
bassadors, advanced into the territory of the Tlascalans. As the 
resolutions of a people who delight in war, are executed with no 
less promptitude than they are formed, he found trpops ready in 
the field to oppose him. They attacked him with great intre- 
pidity ; and in the first encounter wounded sone of the Span- 
iards, and killed two horses : a loss, in their situation, of great 
moment, because it was irreparable. From this specimen of the 
courage of his new enemies, Cortes saw the necessity of pro- 
ceeding; with caution. His army marched in close order; he 
chose his stations where he halted with attention, and fortified 
his camp with great care. 

During fourteen days he was exposed to almost uninterrupted 
assaults; the Tlascalans advancing with numerous armies, and 
renewing the attack in various forms, with that valour and per- 
severance, to which the Spaniards had seen nothing parallel in 
the New World, But the account of battles must appear unin- 
teresting when there is no equality of danger : and when the nar- 
rative closes with an account of thousands slain on one side, and 
that not a single j)erson falls on the other. 

The Spanish historians relate these combats with great pomp, 
and intermix incredible events ; but the}^ cease to command at- 
tention, when there was so great a disproportion between the 
parties. There were some circumstances, however, that merit 
notice, as they display the character of the natives, and of their 
conquerors. Though the Tlascalans brought into the field sucli 



88 HISTORY OF 

Tast armies as appeared sufficient to have overwiielmed the Spa- 
niards, yet they vere never able, to make any impression upon 
their small battalion. This is easily explained : though inured 
to war like all the other inhabitants of the New World, they were 
unacquainted wiih military order and discipline, and lost the 
advantaa;e which they might have gained from their numbers, 
and the impetuosity of their attack, by their constant solicitude 
to carry off their dead and wounded : this was a point of honour 
with them, founded on a sentintent of tenderness natural to the 
human mind, strengthened by an anxiety to preserve the bodies 
of their countrymen from being devoured by their enemies. 

Attention to this pious office occupied them during; the heat of 
combat, broke their union, and lessened the'force of the impres- 
sion which they might have made by a joint effort. The imper- 
fection of their otlensive weapons rendered their valour of little 
avail. After three battles and many skirmishes and assaults, not" 
one Spaniard was slain. Arrows and spears headed with flint, 
or the bones of fishes, and wooden swords, though destructive 
weapons among naked Indians, were easily turned aside by the 
r^panish bucklers, and could hardly penetrate the quilted jackets 
worn by the soldiers. 

Though the Tlascalans attacked the Spaniards with fury, yet 
they seemed to be actuated by a barbarous generosity. They 
gave the Spaniards notice of their hostile intentions ; and as they 
knew they wanted provisions, and imagined, like other Ameri- 
cans, that they had left iheir own country because it did not af- 
ford them subsistence ; they sent to their camp a large supply of 
poultry and maize, desiring them to eat plentifully, because tney 
scorned to attack an enemy enfeebled by hunger ; as it would 
also be an affront to their ^^ods to offer them famished victims, 
as well as disagreeable to themselves to feed upon such emaciat- 
ed prey. 

After the first onset, finding they could not put this threat into 
execution, and that notwithstandinp;^ the utmost efforts of their 
valour, that not one Spaniard was slain : they began to alter 
their opinon, and concluded they were a superior order of beings, 
against whom all human power could not prevail. In this ex- 
tremity they consulted their priests, who, uftcr many sacrifices 
and incantations, delivered this answer: •' That as these strangers 
" were the offspring of the sun, they were invincible only when 
''cherished by his beams! but that at night, when his warming 
*' influence was withdrawn* they became like other men, and were 
"easily subdued.-' Opinions less plausible, have gained credit 
with more enlightened nations. 

In consequence of this, the TIasealans acted in contradiction to 
one of their established maxims in war, and ventured to attack 
the enemy in the night, in hopes of destroying thein, when weak 



AMERICA. 89 

and otT their guard. But Cortes had more discernment Ihari to 
be surprized or deceived by the rude stratagems of an Indian ar- 
my. The sentinels at the out posts, observing an uncommon 
movement in the Indian army, gave the alarm. In a- moment the 
troops were under arms, and sallying out, dispersed them with 
great slaughter, without allowing them to approach the camp. 

Convinced by sad experience their priests had deceived them, 
and satistied that it was in vain to attempt to deceive, or vanquish 
such powerful enemies, their tierceness began to abate, and they 
were seriously inclined to peace. They v/ere, however, at a loss 
in what manner they should address the strangers ; what idea to 
form of their character, and whether to consider them as beings 
of a gentle or malevolent nature. There were circumstances in 
their conduct that seemed to favour each opinion. The Spaniards 
had constantly dismissed their prisoners with presents of EurQ- 
]>ean toys. 

This appeared extraordinary to men who were used to carry 
on an exterminating war^ and who sacriiiced and devoured with.- 
out mercy, their captives taken in battle. On the other hand, 
Cortes had cut off the hands of fifty of the natives who came to 
the camp with provisions, and whom he took to be spies. This 
contrariety of conduct occasioned that doubt and uncertainty 
which appeared in their ;4ddress: " If," said they, "you are di- 
"vinities of a cruel and savage nature, we present to you five 
" slaves, that you may drink their blood and eat their flesh. If 
" you are mild deities, accept an offering of incense and varie- 
" gated plumes. If you are men, here is bread and fruit to nour- 
*• ish you." The peace was soon concluded ; the Tiascalans yield- 
ed themselves as vassals to the crown of Castile, and engaged to 
assist Cortes in all his future opperations. He took the republic 
under his protection, and promised to protect their persons and 
property from injury and violence. 

The profound veneration of the Tiascalans, encouraged Cortes 
to insist upon their abandoning their own superstitions, and that 
they should embrace the Catholic faith. They were willing to 
acknowledge the truth and excellence of what he taught, but 
contended that their gods were divinities no less deserving of 
adoration, than the gods of the Spaniards : and earnestly re- 
quested him not to urge them any further upon a subject, with 
which they could not in any manner yield a compliance. 

Cortes enraged at their obstinacy, v/as preparing to urge by 
force what he could not accomplish by persuasion; and was 
going to overturn their altars and throw down their idols, if fa- 
ther Bartholomew de Olmcdo, chaplain to the expedition, had 
not checked his inconsiderate impetuosity. He represented the 
imprudence of such an attempt ; and that religion was not to be 
propagated by the sword, nor infidels to be converted by violence j 

li'2 



m, Hirnmy </k 

♦ nf>hv«f«' <h«» \ututi, \)vitmt fiM;f» <;o»»l«l bit l>rouj/,hi t« - 

or thi* <;l(M»*fittri ri,*)iy;M/r!. J lial u rrtohkiii 
v^Imti fli** i«l<'}i of ♦«»)«• f;>r(ori H'wn nT»kf»own, 

;ifi.l V. I « ri li.i n-^ltU «;l M/r '.«!, hhoul«l 

h«- ;jr()«;».:/ il;«' liii>Ui(lvr<i-at' appi'ttrjfi 

l;« I all (/I »fli{;i<>iiH lilH-rfy, in M-allj ttj»l<)r»t'»liii)jf j •♦in) U.f rrtirMl ti 
H<M>fh«<l wil}i i4r»v;ip»^r;NMl |>l«';n»ur<', <o lifjil *U(;h hwrnJirnt and lib 
«r;il in'nfitn<jf*U hv«»wi*»I in t}»oH« <)tt«'V aj^t's* of n^i\trtM\iun\, 

TIm; r»Mi»on*fran';«)» of ()IifK;<Jo lia<l Ihi'ir |)'(>p«ir w«iji;l»f, wifli 
(■(.i»«>; hr |«'|f, Hu! 'i'laf-calafiw to Oi« urnlnhirbed fxcrriv,*; «*f 
I) « )» ovifj i'i<«"4, r«'q<iinf;j^ or»ly 0»at lli«'^ Hboolfl ilrwiht iKTri tl)»'i.r 
horrid pradiM' of oH'tritir!, liutuati v'ttinui* in ^acriiice* 

('(.il« V. ;)4 ioort ai» Oi«', iroooH v/vKt !)» for Hi'rviti*, rf*«olvc'd to 
<» r roartji fowjirfU Mi'xicy, /•otwitli-'.tyndirix i\n'. *'»nivM 

d;- *.; f Om' 'J'luacalarjK, who U'prifhcrittMj Montrzuri.a ««» 51 

fai(hl(M4ji find cruel jnir/cf, who ivnifed for an oj^portutiU^ to d' 
»tfo^ hiin. 

Ac;<oritpnr»iiMl Uy n'lX i\um%i\Ui\ 'I hj»>c«hir»f», lh«7» on ihe thi» 
fjMioffi «;f (>cfoh«'r, J.")!!), tlirr'cU'd (Ixtir cour«« fowHrdn ('hohila ; 
JVlord«'/unia» 'vfjo hadat hnjijlh t'jttin*'uU*M to adroit th<j Hpaniardi 
hj(ohi«» |M ('•»•' H'C, irCorrrrfd (/OfU'h that Ij; had jj;ivi?f» ordi'fH for 
hiH lr»»ri<)ly i«t't'|)ti«'fi thfrre. (idrdiiU Wa» a c:ort)»»d<'iahh^ town, 
arul Utuuj^h <»rdy live k'a^Mt'H rlittlafit fr'oirj IManrwIn, wan forrocr- 
ly an iri<li'p«Mid« rit j*tatt' : hut had \\iU\y h««ii ftuhjiM'tcMl to tlic 
mt'%u au vrwpiitf. 

'ri(i«* w'MH tofiHJrhjiTd bj' all ihc narivcK ru a holy place, fhr; 
s»at)(;tuary ol fhiir i^ods, to W'hi^Ji dcvot<M.'H ri^HorU'd fiofii ijvitry 
pruvir»(;«*, and a j;ii.'<<f«'r riutiihr'tor human victirim wfie oir«;r<'.'l 
to »fH Innpl*?, Mhim (0 that of M«ixic'>. 

If vvtt*Htr'iwinly HUhpn.tcd that Montt»'/-uma, I'ilhcr from nuprt 
.'ilioij;* hop«*» tlwit Mi<i ^^odaj wotdd th<'n^ ri'vi'o;;,'' fh« irihultH wi'li 
• I H h th<' .Spaniard* cvrMy vOktc treated tin rn, or that li.: 
r 1 !.hf hA\K a (4M'att'r ci'ituirjly of >»U(r«n«, oh h«'iiij; undrr tli«- 
j("il« (',li<.r» ol jjix ij^mh. The <:V';nt nlicw^d IIm^hc Hunpicions wvn. 
I h\ ill-foundrd. 

<,'oil«'H, v/l)0 had bct'n warned by th« Tla^calan^t to krcp a 
-vaMdiil <•)♦• upon tht; < lioJui.uirt, lhoui;h rifcnved into tin; town 
with much f'i'vUiiui^ nxpct t and cordialily, noon obnnrvfd Hcvcrut 
' iM'uri(iitan< «*M in ihi'ir <;on<liu't, which iXMtr'd ^UHpiiion. 'l'v»o 
»/f (h«; 'I la-v' alatj«», who were «ri<;»rrip«M| at Krrm«i diftanci froin 
Ihc town, and who wrrt^ not adirnttid hy tht'ir aricii<'nt nncrni«-i| 
vvifhirr thiir ptf( int('<, fourrd rnr.'anH to i-nt^tr in iliM^^i/lir and in- 
^oimrd (!orlrH fliut they ((hHtrved Ihr rhihlr<-n oi the prim ipai 
( ili'ActiH tctiiin^ ip )^t«.'iit huKtr; vyvj-y uij^ht, and (lint nix cliildicti 
V '<t been ucti&iA in U;c cl»i«n»Tnph'j a ilte Uiat indicated ttu» 



AMEVAVA t> 

Mccuiion of Romc vvarlikf* enterpii/f wa'? near at harwi. At the 
same time, Marina (he interprett r, receive*! irirorn»atif»n rrf)rii an 
Indian woman of rlihti»>cti'»n, whowe confideDce »he had gained, 
that the de?*truetion of her fi iendn wa« concerted ; that a h»»dy r>f 
Mexican trcxip^ lay eoncealed near the town ; that some of the 
streets were harricadoed, ancJ in ofherM pitt<- and deep trcnc}ie« 
were dri^ and Hli<i;htly covered over, into which the horse»Tnifj;ht 
fall, that stones arxl mi<»^ile weapon!^ were e(*l!eeted on the fop«i of 
thfi temph'^. with which to overwhelm the infanfry; that the fa- 
tal hour wa^ now at hand, and their ruin unavoidahle. 

CorteH alarmefl at thi^* concurring evidence, secretly arre-f'-fi 
three of the €'.hief prienfin ; from the^e he extorted a corife^fti«>ri 
that eonfirrned the iritellii^ence he had reeeived. He therefore. 
in?»t.ant.ly resolved to prevent hi«> enerrnesfrom erteclino; their de- 
Hi S;nH f and tf> iriDicf ftueh an exemplary vengeance, an wouM 
strike Montezuma and hin suhjectH with terror. 

The Hpaniardn and Zempf)a)!an» were drawn up in a iar^e 
ffpiare, which had he**n allotted them for cpiarters* near the CA'ti' 
ire, of the town : the 'I'la«Jcalan,H had hri\('rn to advance ; the ma- 
gimrate'H and chiffciti/,en^ were Hen< for under varir»us pretexts, 
iei'Aed and confined. On a sitrnal i^iven, the troops runhed out, 
and fell tipon the multitude who were ileniitiife <>f leaders, anrl 
»o much aetoninhed that the weapfinn fell froru their hands, 
while they stood motionless, incapahic of defeftce. As the Span- 
iards pressed them in front, the Tlasealans attacked them 
in tfie rear. 'J'he streets were fdled with hloodshed and death. 
The temples, which aflorded a retreai to the priests, and somo 
of tlie leading natives, were set on fire, and they perished jn 
the Hamea, This <»cene of horror cofitinued two days; at lengtl^i 
the cornap;e ceased, aft?r th<^slauj^hterof ssix thousand (jhohdan*;, 
without the lo,^5 of a .itinji;le .Spaniarrl. 

r'ortes then rdea'^ed the majpstrates, reproaching them \t]if.vr- 
ly f<^r their intended treachery ; dcclarinj; that as justice was 
DOW ap]>eased, he forjjave the oftence 5 hut rerpiired them to re- 
call the citl/ens who ha<l llcfl, and restore orfler in the town. 

Huch was the ascendency which the Hpaniar<!s had acfjuired 
over these superstitious people, and so deeply were they im- 
pressed with Hn opinion that they were more than mortals, that 
t^iey immediately oheycd the ''ommarul. The eity was in a few 
days re peoplet), who amidst the ruin of their sacre<i huildings 
yielded respectful service to the mf.n who harl cmhrued their 
banfls in the filood r>f their relations and friends. 

From Cholula, ('oitis advanccrl di^'ctj^ towards Mexieo, 
which was only iwi'Ttty leagues di'^tant. As they passed through 
the country, the soldiers were j^reatly animated as Ihey descend- 
ed from the mountains of (Jhalco, across which the road lay : 
the vast pUin of Mexico ope ncl to their view. Wh -n th^y Oi-it 



SZ HISTORY OF 

beheld this prospect, one of the most striking and beautiful on the 
face of the earth, uhen they observed fertile and cultivated field?: 
stretching farther than the eye could reach ; when they saw a 
lake resembling the sea in extent, and discovered the capital city- 
rising upon an island in the middle, adorned with its temples and 
turrets, the scene so far exceeded their imagination, that some 
were induced to believe the fanciful descriptions of romance were 
realized, and that its enchanted palaees and gilded domes were 
presented to their sight: others could hardly be persuaded thai 
this wonderful spectacle was any thing more than a dream. 

As they advanced, their doubts were removed, but their 
amazement increased. They were now fully satisfied that the 
country was rich, beyond what they had conceived; and flattered 
themselves that they should soon obtain an ample reward for all 
their services and sufterings. 

As thev approached near the city, several circumstances oc- 
curred wluch made them suspect that some design was formed 
to surprise and cut them off. No enemy however appeared ; 
several messengers arrived successivelv from Montezuma, per- 
mitting them one day to advance, requiring them on the next to 
retire, as his hopes and fears alternately prevailed: and, so 
strange was this infatuation, that Cortes was almost at the gates 
of the capital, before the monarch had determined to receive 
him as a friend, or to oppose him as an enemy. 

The Spaniards, without regarding the fluctuation of Montezu- 
ma's sentiments, continued their march along the causeway that 
led to the city, through the lake, with great caution, and the 
strictest discipline, though without betraying any symptoms of 
distrust of ihe prince, whom thej were about to visit. 

"When they drew near the city, about a thousand persons, who 
appeared to be of distinction, came forth to meet them, adorned 
V. ith plumes, and clad in garments of fine cotton. Each of these 
in his order, passed by Cortes, and saluted him according to the 
mode practised in that country : expressing the utmost respeci 
and submission. They announced the approach of Montezuma 
hir.jself : and soon after his harbingers came in siu;ht. 

There appeared first, two hundred persons in an uniform 
dress, with large plumes of featliers, alike in fashion, marching 
two and two in deep silence, and barefooted, with their eyes fixed 
on the ground. These were followed by a company of higher 
rank, in their most showy apparel : in the midst of these was 
Montezuma, in a chair or litter, richly ornamented with gold, 
and feathers of various colours ; others supported a canopy of 
curious woikmanship over his head, and four of his principal fa- 
vourites carried him on their shoulders. Before him marched 
three officers, with rods of gold in their hand-^, «liich they lilted 
tip at certaiu interviils : ^t which signal, all the people bowed 



AMERICA. 93 

their heads ahd hid their faces, as unworthy to look on so great 
a monarch. When he drew near, Cortes dismounted ; and, with 
great appearance of respect, saluted him in the European man- 
ner. At the same time, Montezuma descended from his chair, 
and leaning on the arms of two of his nearest relations, approach- 
ed with a slow and stately pace : his attendants covering the 
streets with cotton-cloths, that he might nc^ touch the ground. 
He returned the salutation of Cortes, according to the mode of 
his country, by touching the earth with his hand, and then kiss- 
in;; it. By this condeseention of Montezuma, his subjects firm- 
ly believed that those persons, before whom he had humbled 
himself, were more than human. 

This was confirmed afterwards; as they marched through the 
crowd, the natives, to the great satisfaction of the Spaniards, fre- 
quently were heard to call them Teules or divinities. Montezu- 
ma conducted Cortes to the quarters which he had prepared for 
his reception ; and immediately took leave of him with a polite- 
ness, not unworthy of a court more refined. " You are now," 
said he, " with your brothers, in your own house ; refresh your- 
selves after your fatigue, and be happy until I return." The 
place allotted to the Spaniards by Montezuma, was a house built 
oy the father of Montezuma: it was surrounded by a stone wall, 
with towers at proper distances, which served for defence as well 
as ornament : and was sq» large as to accommodate both the Spa- 
niards and tlieir Indian. allien.. 

The first care of Cortes was to put the place in a posture of 
defence: he planted the artillery at every avenue which led to 
it; he'appointed a lurge division of his troops to be always on 
guard ; and posted sentinels at proper distances, with orders to 
observe the same vigilance, as if tliey were in sight of an ene- 
my's camp. 

In the evening, Montezuma returned to visit his guests, with 
the same pomp as at their first interview ; and brought present^ 
of such value, not only to Cortes and his officers, but even to 
the private men, as proved the liberality of the monarch, and 
the opulence of the kingdom. 

A long conference ensued, in which Cortes learned what was 
the ojtinion of Montezuma, with respect to the Spaniards. He 
told him, that it was an established opinion among the Mexicans, 
I handed down to them by tradition, that their ancestors came ori- 
ginally from a remote region, and conquered the provinces that 
were now subject to his dominion; that after they were settled 
^ there, the great captain who conducted them, returned to his 
j own country; and promised, that at some future period his de- 
I scendants should visit them, assume the government, and reform 
I their constitution and laws; and that from what he had seen of 
i Cortes and his followers, he was coavinced they were the rery 



94 HISTORY OF 

persons their traditions and prophecies had taught them to ex- 
pect ; and that he received them accordingly as relations of 
the same blood and parentage ; and desired them to consider 
themselves as masters in his dominions: for both himself and 
subjects should be ready to comply with their will. Cortes re- 
plied in his usual style, with respect to the dignity and power of 
his sovereign, and i^is intentions of sending him into that coun- 
try : artfully framing his discourse so as to coincide with the idea 
which Montezuma had formed concerning the origin of the Spa- 
niards. 

Next mornino;, Cortes and some of his principal attendants 
were admitted to a public audience of the emperor. The three 
subsequent days were employed in viewing the city ; the appear- 
ance of which iiiled them with surprize and admiration. Mexi- 
co, (Tenuchtitlan, as it was anciently called by the natives,) is 
situated in a large plain surrounded by mountains of such height, 
that though within the torrid zone, the temperature of its cli- 
mate is mild and healthful : all the moisture which descends 
from the high grounds is collected in several lakes : the two 
largest of which, of about ninety miles in circumference, com- 
municate with each other; the waters of one are fresh, the 
other brackish : on the banks of the latter the capital of Monte- 
zuma's empire was built. The access to -the city^ was by artificial 
causeways or streets, formed of stones or earth, about thirty feet 
in breadth. On the east was no causeway, and the city could on- 
ly be approached by canoes. Not only the temples of their gods, 
bu* the nouses of the monarch, and tnose of persons of distinc- 
tion, in comparison with any other buildings which the Spaniards 
had seen in America, might be termed magnificent. 

But how much the novelty of these objects might amuse or 
astonish the Spaniards, they feU the utmost solicitude with res- 
pect to their own situation. They were now lodged in the capi- 
tal, in which they reckoned there were at least sixty thousand 
inhabitants: shut up, as it were, in a snare, from which it seem- 
ed impossible to escape; they were moreover assured by the 
Tlascalans, that Mexican priests had counselled their sove- 
reign to admit the Spaniards into the capital, that they might cut 
them olVat one blow with perfect security. 

Although Montezuma had received them with distinguished 
respect, they had reason to doubt his sincerity : yet even if they 
could suppose it to be real, they could not depend upon it : as an 
order llovving from his caprice, or a word uttered in passion, might 
irrevocably determine their fate. These retlections made a deep 
impression upon the mind of Cortes. 

Before he set out from Cholula, he had received advice from 
Villa Rica, that Qualpopoca, one of the Mexican generals, having 
assembled an army in order to attack some of the people, whom 



AMERICA, 95 

the Spaniards had encouraged to throw oft' the Mexican yoke; 
Escalante, vviih seven of his men, had been mortally wounded ; 
he having, with part of the garrison, marched out to succour his 
allies; that one Spaniard had been surrounded and taken alive, 
and his head cut off, and sent in triumph to the different cities, 
and last to Mexico, to convince the people their invaders were 
not invulnerable. 

Cortes, though alarmed with this intelligence, as an indication 
of Montezuma's hostile intensions, had nevertheless continued 
his march. But as soon as he entered Mexico, he became sensi- 
ble that he had pushed forwards into a situation where it was 
difficult to continue, and from which it was dangerous to retire. 
Disgrace, and perhaps death, would be the certain consequence 
of the latter. 

The success of the enterprize depended upon supporting that 
high opinion which the natives had formed with respect to the 
irresistible power of his arms : upon the first appearance of tim- 
idity on his part, their veneration would cease, and Montezuma 
would be encouraged to let loose upon him the whole force of 
his empire. 

His situation was trying, but his mind was equal to it: and af- 
ter revolving the matter with deep attention, he resolved upon a 
measure, the boldest and most daring that ever entered into the 
mind of man ; which was no less than seizing Montezuma in his 
palace, and to carry him a prisoner to the Spanish quarters. This 
he immediately proposed to his officers. The timid were startled at 
a measure so audacious. The more intelligent and resolute warm- 
ly approved of it, conscious that it was the only resource in which 
there was any prospect of safety ; and brought over their com- 
panions so cordially to be of the same opinion, that it was agreed 
instantly to make the attempt. At his usual hour of visiting 
Montezuma, Cortes went to the palace, accompanied by Alvara- 
do, Sandoval, Lugo, Velasquez de Leon, and Davilla, five of 
his principal officers, and as many trusty soldiers. 

Thirty chosen men followed ; not in regular order, but saunt- 
ering at some distance, as if their only object was curiosity ; other 
small parties were posted at proper intervals, in all the streets 
leading from the Spanish quarters to the palace, and the remain- 
der of his troops, with the Tiascalan allies, were under arms, 
ready to sally out on the first alarm. Cortes and his companions 
were admitted without suspicion, the Mexican attendants retir- 
ing out of re3|:>ect. He addressed the monarch in a tone very 
different from that which he had formerly been accustomed to, 
reproaching him bitterly as the author of the violent assault, made 
upon the Spaniards by one of his officers, and demanded public 
reparation for the loss he had sustained, by the death of some of 
b|s comi^anions, as well as for the insult offered to the great 



9'6 HISTORY OF 

prince, \*hose servants they were. Montezuma, confounded at 
this unexpected accusation, and changing colour, either from 
consciousness of guilt, or from feeling tht- indiiinitv with which 
he uas treated, asserted his ov\n innocence with £;reat earnest- 
ness; and as a proof of it, gave orders in-^tantly to bring Qual- 
popoea and his accomplices prisoners to Mexico. Corles replied, 
that a declaration so respectable left no doubt on his own mind, 
but that somethina; more was requisite to satisfy his followers, 
vho would never be convinced that Montezuma did not harb(»ur 
hostile intentions against them, unless, as a proof of his confi- 
dence and attachment, he removed from his own palace, and 
took up his residence in the Spanish quarters, where he should 
be served and honoured as became a great monarch. 

This strange proposition at first bereaved Montozuma of speech 
and almost of motion. At length indignation ^ave him utterance, 
and he haughtily answered, *^ That persons of his rank, were not 
*• accustomed voluntarily to give up themselves as prisoners; and 
'• were he mean enough to do so, his subjects would not permit 
<• such an aftVont to be offered to their sovereign.'* Cortes, un- 
willing to employ force, endeavoured by turns to intimidate and 
soothe him. The altercation became warm, and having contin- 
ued three hours, Velasquez de Leon, an impetuous and gallant 
young man, impatiently exclaimed, »• Why waste more time in 
*»vain? lei us either seize him instantly, or stab him to the 
«' heart." The threatening voice and fierce gestures with which 
these words w ere uttered, struck Montezuma. He was sensi- 
ble the Spaniards had now proceeded too far to hope they would 
recede. 

His own danger was imminent, the necessity unavoidable. 
He saw both, and abandoning himself to his fate, complied with 
their request. His ofiieers were called, he communicated to them 
his resolution. Though astonished and afflicted, they presumed 
not to question the will of their master, but carried him in silent 
pom^}, all bathed in tears, to the Spanish quarters. 

When it became publicly known that the strangers were con- 
veying away the emperor, the people broke out into the wildest 
excesses of grief and rage, threatening the Spaniards with iinuie- 
diate destine ion for their impious audacity. But as soon as Mon- 
tezuma appeared with a seeming; gaiety of countenance, and wav- 
ed his hand, the tumult was hushed; and upon his declaring it 
to be his own choice that he went to reside tor a short time among 
his new friends, the multitude, taus;ht to revere every intima- 
tion of their suvereign^'s pleasure, quietly dispersed. 

Thus this powerful prinee, at noon day, in the midst of his capi- 
tal, was seized and carried off a prisoner, by a few strangers. 
"When we consider the temerity of tiie attempt, and its successful 
^edition, we caa with propriety assert there is nothing in history 



AMERICA, ^ 

parallel to it : and were it not so well authenticated by the most 
unquestionable evidence, the whole narration would^ appear so 
wild and extravagant, as to go beyond the bounds of that yeri- 
similitude which must be preserved even in fictitious publications. 

Montezuma was received at the Spanish quarters with great 
ceremonious respect. He was attended by his own domestics. 
His principal officers had free access to him, and carried on all 
the functions of government, as if he had been at perfect liberty. 
He was, nevertheless, watched with all the scrupulous vigilance 
requisite in guarding such an important prize : from captive 
princes, the hour of humiliation and suffering is not far distant. 
Qualpopoea and his son, with five of the principal officers who 
had served under him, were brought prisoners to the capital, by 
order of Montezuma, and given up to Cortes; who, after under- 
going the form of trial by a Spanish court martial, and though 
the^^acted as brave and loyal subjects in obeying the orders of 
their sovereign, in opposing the invaders of their country, they 
were condemned to be burned alive. 

The unhappy victims were instantly led forth. The pile on 
which they were laid was composed of the weapons collected in 
the royal ma}2;azine for the public defence. An innumerable mul- 
titude of Mexicans beheld, in silent astonishment, this fresh in- 
sult offered to the majesty of their empire: an officer of distinc- 
tion committed to the flames, by the authority of strangers, foi 
having done what he owed in duty to his sovereign; and the arms 
provided by their ancestors for avenging such wrongs, consumed 
before their eyes. 

Cortes, convinced that Qualpopoea would not have ventured to 
attack Escalante without orders from his master, was not satisfied 
with the punishment of the instrument, while the author escap- 
ed with impunity. Just before Qualpopoea was led out to suffer, 
Cortes entered the appartment of Montezuma, followed by some 
of his officers, and a soldier carrying a pair of fetters; and ap- 
proaching the monarch with a stern countenance, told him, that 
the persons who were now going to suffer, had charged him as 
the cause of the outrage that was committed ; and that it was 
necessary that he likewise should make atonement for that guilt; 
without waiting for a reply, he commanded his soldiers to clap 
the fetters on his legs. The orders were instantly obeyed. 

The monarch, who had been accustomed to have his person ac- 
knowledged as sacred and inviolable, considered this profanation 
of it as a prelude to his death, broke out into loud lamentations 
and complaints. His attendants fell at his (eet, and bathed them 
with their tears, bearing up the fetters in their hands with offi- 
cious tenderness, to lighten their pressure. 

When Cortes returned from the execution, he appeared with 
a cheerful countenance : aud ordered the fetters to be taken off. 

I 



•Jb HISTORY OF 

As Montezuma*s spirits had sunk with unmanly dejection, they 
ROW rose to indecent exultation, and he passed at once from the 
anguish of despair, to transports of joy and fondness, towards 
liis deliverers. The spirits of Montezuma were now subdued. 
Cortes availed himself to the utmost of the power he had acquir- 
ad over him. 

Several Spaniards were sent in company with some Mexicans 
uf distinction, as guides and protectors, to explore the different 
parts of the empire. While they were thus employed. Cortes, in 
the name of Montezuma, degraded som.eof the principal officers, 
whose abilities and independent spirit excited his jealousy; and 
substituted in their places, others more obsequious to his will. 

There was yet wanting one thing to complete his security : 
lie wished to have command of the lake, that he might ensure a 
retreat, should the Mexicans take arms against him. This Mon- 
tezuma enabled him to accomplish. Cortes had given him a pomp- 
ous description of those floating palaces that move on the water, 
without the aid of oars. Having thus excited Montezuma's curi- 
osity, and under pretence of gratifying him, he persuaded the 
monarch to appoint some of his subjects to convey his naval stores 
from Vera Cruz to Mexico, and employed others in cutting tim- 
ber : with this assistance, the Spanish carpenters soon complet- 
ed two brigantines, which were considered by Cortes as a cer- 
tain resource, if a retreat should be necessary. 

This tame submission to his will, encouraged Cortes to put it 
to a proof still more trying. He urged Montezuma to acknow- 
ledge himself a vassal to the king of Castile, and to subject 
his dominions to the payment of an annual tribute. With this 
requisition Montezuma was so obsequious as to comply. The 
chief men of the empire were called together; he with great so- 
lemnity, reminded them of the traditions and prophecies which 
led them to expect the arrival of a people, sprung from the same 
stock as themselves, in order to take fhe suprem.e power into 
their own hands; he declared his belief, that the Spaniards were 
this promised race; and therefore he acknowledged their mo- 
narch as possessing the right to govern the Mexican empire ; 
that he would lay his crown at his if'eet and obey him as a tribu- 
tary. While Montezuma uttered these words, tears and groans 
interrupted liis utterance ; he still retained such a sense of dig- 
nity, as to feel that pang v\hich touches the heart of princes, 
when constrained to resign independent power. The assembly 
were stiuck with asicnishn.ent, and a sullen murmur indicated 
their surprise and indignation : and threatened some violent erup- 
tion of rage to be near at hand. Cortes foreseeing this, season- 
ably interposed to prevent it, by declaring that his master had 
no intention to depri\e Montezuma of his authority or royal 
vlignity ; or to make any aiteiaticn in the laws or constitution of 



AMERICA. 09 

tlie ^lexical! Empire; this assurance, and the monarch's exam- 
ple, together with their dread of the Spanish power, extorted a 
reluctant consent from the assembly. 

This act of submission and homage, was executed with all the 
formalities which the Spaniards were pleased to prescribe. Mon- 
tezuma, at the instigation of Corles, accompanied this submission 
with a magnificent present to his new sovereign ; and his subjects, 
stimulated by his example, brought in very liberal contributions. 

But however pliant Montezuma might be in other matters, 
with respect to his religion, he was inflexible. Though Cortes 
often urged him with the zeal of a missionary to renounce hi?. 
false gods, and embrace the catholic faith, he always rejected 
the proposition with horror. Cortes was so enraged at his ob- 
stinacy, that in a transport of zeal he led out his soldiers tc- 
throw down the idols in the great temple by force. But the 
priests and people takino; arms in defence of their altars, the 
zeal of Cortes was overruled by prudence, and induced him to 
desist from his rash attempt, after dislodi^ing the idols from one 
of the shrines, and placing the image of the Virgin Mary in its 
place. 

From that moment the Mexicans began to meditate how they 
might expel or destroy the Spaniards, and believed themselves 
called upon to avenge the insult offered lo their gods. The 
priests and leading men held frequent consultations with Mon- 
tezuma for this purpose. But as it might prove fatal to the cap 
live monarch to attempt either the one or the other by violence, 
he was willing to try more gentle means. Having called Cortes 
into his presence, he observed that now, as all the purposes of 
his embassy were fully accomplished, the gods had declared their 
will, and the people were unanimous in their desire, that he and 
his followers should instantly depart out of the empire. With 
this he required them to comply, or unavoidable destruction 
would fall suddenly on their heads. 

The tenor of this unexpected requisition, as well as the deter- 
mined tone in which it was uttered, left Cortes no room to doubt, 
that it was the result of some deep laid scheme concerted be- 
tween Montezuma and his subjects. He coolly replied, he had 
already begun to prepare for returning to his own country ; but 
as the vessels in which he came were destroyed, some time was 
requisite for building other ships. 

This appearing reasonable, a number of Mexicans were sent 
to Vera Cruz, to cut down timber; and some Spanish carpenters 
were appointed to superintend the work. Cortes flattered him- 
self that during this interval, he should receive such reinforce- 
ments, as would enable him to despise every dan^-er. 

Nine months had now elapsed since Porto carrero and Monti- 
go had sailed with his despatches to Spain ; he daily expected 



100 HISTORY OF 

their return \yith a confirmation of his authority from the king; 
without this his condition was insecure and precarious. 

\V hile he remained in this suspense, uncertain with respect to 
the future, and by the late declaration of Montezuma, oppressed 
with a new addition of cares, a Mexican courier arriving, inform- 
ed him of some ships having appeared on the coast. Cortes 
elated with this intelligence, imagined they were reinforcements 
arrived to strengthen and forward his conquests : and that the 
completion of all his wishes and hopes was at hand : he imparted 
the glad tidings to his companions, who received them with 
transports of mutual congratulation. Their joy was short j a 
message from Sandoval, whom Cortes had made governor of 
Vera Cruz in the room of Esealante, brought certain intelligence 
that the armament was fitted out by Velasquez, governor of Cuba, 
and threatened them with immediate destruction. 

The armament consisted of eighteen ships, which had on board 
fourscore horsemen, eight hundred foot soldiers, of which eighty 
were musqueteer, and a hundred and twenty cross-bow men, 
together with a train of twelve pieces of cannon. This force was 
commanded by Pamphilo de Narvaez, with instructions to seize 
Cortes, and his principal officers, and send them prisoners to 
Cuba, and then to complete the conquest of the country in his 
name. 

Narvaez had landed his men without opposition, near St. Juan 
de UUua. Three soldiers whom Cortes had sent to search for 
mines, deserted and joined Narvaez: by them he was informed 
of the progress and situation of Cortes: and as they had learned 
the Mexican language, were the more acceptable, as they would 
serve as interpreters. Narvaez having sent a summons to the 
governor of Vera Cruz to surrender, Guavara, a priest, whom he 
employed in tliat service, made the demand with such insolence, 
that Sandoval, an ofiicer of high spirit, and zealously attached to 
Cortes, instead of complying with his terms, seized him, and his 
officers, and sent them prisoners in chains to Mexico. Cortes re- 
ceived them not as enemies, but as friends, condemning the se- 
verity of Sandoval, set tliem immediately at liberty. 

By this well-timed clemency, seconded by caresses and pre- 
sents, he gained their confidence, and drew from them such par- 
ticulars concerning the force and intentions of Narvaez, as gave 
a view of the impending danger, in its full extent. 

He had now to take the field against an army in courage and 
martial discipline equal to his oun; in number far superior, com- 
manded by an officer of known bravery. 

Narvaez, more solicitous to gratify the resentment of Velas- 
quez, than attentive to the honour and interest of his country, 
had represented Cortes and his followers to the natives, as fugi- 
tives and rebels; who had unjustly invaded the Mexican em- 



AMERICA. 101 

pire ; and that his sole object was to punish the Spaniards, and 
rescue them from their oppression. The same unfavourable re 
presentations liad been conveyed to Montezuma. 

Animated with the prospect of being set free from subjection 
to strangers, tlie provinces began openly to revolt from Cortes; 
and regarded Narvaez as their deliverer. Montezuma kept up 
a secret intercourse with the new comraaaderj and courted his 
favour. 

Such were the dangers and difficulties which presented them- 
selves to the view of Cortes. No situation could be more trying. 
If he should abandon the capital, and set the captive monarch at 
liberty, and marcli out to meet the enemy, he must at once give 
up all tlie fruits of his toils and victory, and relinquish advan- 
tages which could not be recovered without infinite danger. The 
natural haughtiness of Narvaez precluded all hopes of succeed- 
ing by conciliatory measures. 

After revolving every scheme with deep attention, Cortes fixed 
on that which was the most hazardous, but if successful, would be 
most honourable and beneficial to himself and his country. 
AVith decisive intrepidity, he in this desperate situation, deter- 
mined to make one bold effort for victory under every disadvan- 
ia^e, rather than sacrifice his own conquests, and the Spanish 
i:iferest in Mexico. But as it would have been indecent andim- 
jolitic to advance in arms against his countrymen, without first 
attempting to adjust matters by an amicable negociation: he em- 
ployed Olmedo, liis chaplain, to v\hose character the function was 
well suited, and who was possessed with sueh prudence and ad- 
dress as qjaiiiied him for secret intrigues, in which Cortes plac- 
ed his chief confidence. 

Ail terras of accommodation were rejected with scoru by Nar- 
vaez, who, by a public procldmation, denounced Cortes and his 
companions rebels and enemies to their country. The intrigues 
of Olmedo were more successful: he had letters to deliver from 
Cortes and his oflicers, to their ancient friends and companions; 
these were accompanied with presents of rings and chains of 
gold, which inspired those needy adventurers with high ideas of 
the wealth that he had acquired, and envy of the good fortune of 
those who were engaged in his service. They declared for an 
immediate accommcydation with Cortes ; but Narvaez, upon dis- 
covering the inclination of the army tov^ards an accommodation, 
irritated his violent temper almost to madness. In a transport of 
rage, he set a price upon the head of Cortes, and his principal 
officers, and having learned that he was now advanced within a 
Ijague of Zempoalla with his small body of men, he considered 
this such an insult, as merited immediate chastisement, and 
marched out with all his troops to offer hira battle. 
Cortes was a leader of greater abilities and experience than to 

1-2 



1.02 mSTOIlY OF 

fight an enemy so far superior in number on equal ground. Harm- 
ing stationed his army on the opposite bank of the river de Cano- 
as, where he was safe from any attack, he beheld the approacU 
of the enemy withoutconcern,anddisregarded this vain bravado. 
The wet season had set in, and the rain had poured down during 
a great part of the day, with a violence peculiar to the Torrid 
Zone. 

The followers of Narvaez, unaccustomed to the severity of * 
military life, murmured at being thus fruitlessly exposed :' this, 
together with the contempt he had of his enemy, induced him to 
permit them to retire tu Zempoalla. The very circumstance 
that made them quit the field, encouraged Cortes to form a 
scheme by which he hoped at once to terminate the war. His 
hardy veterans, though standing under the t(»rrents, without a 
single tent, or any shelter to cover them, were so far from repin- 
ing at hardships which were become familiar to them, that they 
were still fresh and alert for service. He knew that the enemy 
would give themselves up to repose after their fatigue, and deetn 
themselves perfectly secu'e at a season so unlit for action. He re- 
solved therefore to surprize them by an unexpected attack in the 
night. His soldiers, knowin;^ that there was no resource but in 
some desperale eftbrt of courage, approved of the measure witli 
such warmtii, that Cortes, in an oration which he delivered to 
them, was more careful to temper than to inflame their ardour. 

He divided them into three parties: Sandoval commanded the 
first; this gallant officer was entrusted with the most dangerous 
and important service, that of seizing the enemy's artillery, which 
was planted before the principal towers of the temple, where 
Narvaez had fixed his head quarters. Chrisfoval de Olid com- 
manded the second, with orders to assault the tower and lay hold 
on the general. Cortes himself conducted the last and suialiest 
division, which was to act as a body of reserve, and to support 
the other I wo as there should be occasion. 

Having passed ihe river de Canoas, \^hich was so swelled with 
the lains, tliat the water reached their chins, they advanced in 
profound silence, eaih man armed with his sword, his dagger, and 
his Chiiiantlan spear. Narvaez, remiss in proportion to his secu- 
rity, had posted only two sentinels to watch the motions of an ene- 
my, whom he had such good cause to dread. One of these was 
seized by the advance guard of Cortes's troops, the other made 
hisebCi»pe,and hurrying to the- town, spread the alarm of the ene- 
my's approach, so that there was full time to prepare for their 
reception. But through the arrogance and infatuation of Nar- 
vaez, the important iiitervai was lost. He charged the sentinel 
with cowardice, and treated v ith derision the idea of being at- 
tacked by forces so unequal to his own. The shouts of Cortes's. 
soldiers, however, convincevl him at last of his nustake. 



AMERICA; m3 

The rapidity with which they advanced was sueh that they 
fired but one cannon, before Sandoval's party closed with thenrij 
and drove them from tiieirguns, and had begun to force their way 
up the steps of the tower. Narvaez, as brave in action as pre- 
sumptuous in conduct, armed himself in haste, and by his voice 
and example endeavoured to animate his men to the combat. 
Olid advanced to sustain his companions; and Cortes himself, 
rushing to the front, conducted and added new vigour to the at- 
tack. The compact order of this small body, and the impene- 
trable front they presented with their long spears, bore down all 
opposition. 

They had now reached the gate, and as they were endeavour- 
ing to force it open, a soldier set fire to the reeds with which 
the tower was covered, and forced Narvaez to sally out. In 
the first encounter he was wounded in the eye, with a spear, 
and failing to the ground, he was in a moment clapped in 
fetters. 

The shout of victory resounded among the troops of Cortes. 
Those who had sallied out with cheir leader, feebly maintained 
the conflict, or began to surrender. Terror and confusion pre- 
vailed. Their own artillery was pointed against them : where- 
ever they turned their eyes, they beheld with astonishment, lights 
gleaming through the obscurity of the night ; which, although 
proceeding from what is now well known by the name of the fire* 
ily, which abound in sultry climates, their affrighted imagina- 
tions represented as numerous bands of musketeers, advancing 
with lighted matches to the attack. After a short resistance, 
the soldiers compelled their officers to capitulate: and before 
morning all had laid down their arms, and quietly submitted to 
their conquerors. 

This complete victory was the more acceptable, as it was 
gained with little bloodshed : only two of the soldiers of Cortes 
being slain : as were also two ofiicers and fifteen privates of the 
adverse party. Cortes treated the vanquished as friends ; offered 
to send them immediately back to Cuba, or take them into his 
service, as [)artners of his fortune, and on the same terms as 
his own soldiers, Th«y eagerly embraced the latter proposal, 
and vied with each other in professions of fidelity and attachment 
to a general, who had given such a convincing proof of his 
abilities for command, 

Cortes was now placed at the head of a thousand Spaniards, 
eager to follow wherever he should lead them. Doubly fortunate 
was this victory for Cortes, as he received intelligence a few 
days afterwards, that the Mexicans had destroyed his brigan- 
tines, and had fallen upon the small party he had left with Alva- 
rado. Had reduced to ashes their magazine of provisions, and 
carried on hostilities^ with such fury, that although the Spaniard3. 



104 HISTORY OF 

ciefended themselves with uncommon bravery, yet without sac-, 
cour they must soon have been cut oft' by famine, or sink under 
the multitude of their enemies. 

The Mexicans had flattered themselves, that now when their 
invaders were divided was the time to deliver themselves from 
the odious dominion of stranijers, and release their sovereign. 
Alvarado, though a gallant officer, had not that capacity and 
dignity of manners, by which Cortes had acquired such an as- 
cendency over the minds of the natives. Instead of empU)ying 
address to disconcert the plan or soothe the spirits of the Mexi- 
cans, he waited the return of one of their solemn festivals, and 
when the principal persons of the empire were dancinaj in 
the court of the great temple, he seized all the aveaues which 
led to it, and allured partly by the rich ornaments which they 
w^ore in honour of their gods, partly by the facili y of cutting off 
ftt once the authors of a conspiracy which he dreaded, he fell 
upon them unarmed and unexpected, and massacred a great 
number, those only escaping who made their way over the bat- 
tlements of the temple. 

This treacherous and cruel action filled the city and the whole 
empire, with indignation and rage. All called aloud for ven- 
geance ; and regardless of the life or safety of their monarch, or of 
their own danger in assaulting an enemy, who had been so long 
the object of their terror, they committed all those acts of vio- 
lence of which Cortes had received an account. 

To him the danger appeared so imminent as to admit of no de- 
lay. He set cut instantly with all his forces. At Tlascala he 
was joined by two thousand chosen warriors. On entering the 
Mexican territories, he found disaffection to the Spaniards was 
not confined to the capital. The principal inhabitants had de- 
serted the towns through which he passed; no person of note ap- 
peared to meet him with the expected respect ; no provision 
made for the subsistence of his troops, as usual ; and though he 
was permitted to advance without opposition, solitude and silence 
reiijned in every place ; a deep rooted antipathy had taken place, 
which excited the most just alarm. 

Notwithstanding their enmity was become so implacable, they 
knew not how to take proper measures for their own safety, or 
the destruction of their enemies. Instead of breaking down the 
bridges and causeways, by which they might have enclosed Alva- 
rado and his party, and stopped the career of Cortes, they 
again suffered him to march quietly ; and on the twenty-fourth 
of June, loZO, he took peaceable possession of his former quar- 
ters. 

The transports of joy, with which Alvarado received Cortes- 
and his companions, cannot be described ; but the general seemed 
to have forgotten that sagacity and caution, which had hitherte 



AMERICA. 106 

accompanied liim. He not only neglected to visit Montezuma, 
but added expressions full of contempt for that prince and his 
people. 

The forces of which he had now the command, appeared to him 
irresistible ; so that he began to assume a higher tofic, and lay 
aside the mask of moderation, under which he had hitherto con- 
cealed his designs. Some Mexicans who understood the Spanish 
language, reported the contemptuous words and conduct of Cor- 
tes, to their countrymen, which renewed their rage. They re- 
sumed their arms, with additional fury, and attacked a body of 
Spaniards, as they were marching to the great square, where the 
public market was held ; who were compelled to retire with 
loss. Delighted to find that their oppressors were not invincible, 
they advanced next day with extraordinary martial pomp, to as- 
sault the Spanish quarters. 

Their number was formidable, and their courage great. 
Though the artillery was pointed against them, when they 
were crowded in narrow streets, and swept off multitudes at every 
discharge, their impetuosity did not abate. Their broken ranks 
were continually filled up with fresh men ; these were succeeded 
by others no less intrepid and eager on vengeance. 

The abilities and experience of Cortes, seconded by the dis- 
ciplined valour of his troops, was hardly sufficient to defend the 
fortifications, into which the enemy were several times on the 
point of entering. 

Some immediate and extraordinary effort was now requisite to 
extricate themselves out of their present situation. As soon as 
the evening induced the Mexicans to retire, in compliance with 
their custom of ceasing from hostilities with the setting sun, Cor- 
tes began to prepare for a sally, with such a force as might either 
drive the enemy out of the city, or compel them to listen to terms 
of accommodation. 

He conducted in person the troops destined for this important 
enterprize. Every invention known at that time in the European 
art of war, as well as every precaution, suggested by his long ex- 
perience in the Indian mode of fighting, were employed to en- 
sure success. The enemy he found ready prepared, and deter- 
mined to oppose him. The force of the Mexicans was greatly 
encreased by fresh troops which poured in continually from the 
country. Led by their nobles, inflamed by their priests, and 
fighting in defence of their families, under the eye, as they 
judged, of their gods, they made a desperate resistance, and 
fought with enthusiastic ardour, in contempt of danger and 
death. Wherever the Spaniards could close vulh them, the su- 
periority of their arms and discipline, obliged the natives to give 
way ; but, in the narrow streets, and where the bridges of com- 
munication were broken down, thev could seldom come to a fair 



m HISTORY OF 

encounter, and the Spaniards, as they advanced, were exposed 
to showers of arrows and stones from the tops of the houses. 

After a day of incessant exertion, though vast numbers of the 
Mexicans fell, and part of the city was burned, the Spaniards, 
weary with the slaughter, were at length disposed to retire, with 
the mortification of having accomplished nothing so decisive, as 
to compensate for the loss of twelve soldiers killed, and sixteen 
wounded : another sally was made with greater force, but with 
no better success ; and in it the general was wounded in the hand. 
Cortes perceived when it was too late, his error in treating with 
contempt, the Mexicans. He became sensible that he could nei- 
ther maintain his present station in the city, or retire from it with- 
out imminent danger. There was, however, one resource left: 
Montezuma was still in his power. 

When the Mexicans approached next morning to renew the 
assault, that unfortunate prince, was reduced to the sad necessity 
of becoming the instrument of his own disgrace ; he advanced 
to the battlements in his royal robes, and with all the pomp in 
which he used to appear on solemn occasions. At the sight of 
their sovereign, the weapons dropped from their hands, every 
tongue was silent and all bowed their heads, and many prostrated 
themselves on the ground. He tried to assuage their rage by eve- 
ry soothing argument. When he had ended his discourse, a sul- 
len murmur ran through the crowd; to this succeeded reproach* 
es and threats ; and their fury rising in a moment above every 
restraint and respect, flis^hts of arrows and voUies of stones, pour- 
ed in so violently from the ramparts, that before the Spanish sol- 
diers had time to shield Montezuma with their bucklers, two 
arrows wounded the unhappy monarch, and a stone which struck 
him on the temple, brou2:ht him to the ground. 

On seeing him fall, the Mexicans were so much astonished, 
that they passed in a moment from one extreme to another ; re-> 
morse succeeded to insult, and they fled with terror, as if the ven- 
geance of heaven was pursuing them for the crime which they 
nad committed. The Spaniards without molestation carried Mon- 
tezuma to his apartments ; and Cortes hastened thither to con- 
sole him under his affliction. But the haughty spirit of that un- 
happy monarch, which seemed to have been long extinct, return- 
ing, he seemed to survive this last humiliation, and protract a 
life of ignominy. In a transport of rage, he tore the bandages 
from his wounds, and obstinately refused to take any nourish- 
ment, that his wretched days might be soon ended : rejecting 
with disdain all the solicitations of the Spaniards to embrace the 
christian faith. 

The fate of Montezuma, deprived Cortes of all hopes of bring- 
ing the Mexicans to any accommodation ; and he saw no hopes 
of safety, but in attempting a retreat 5 and he began to prepare 



AMERICA. io: 

ior it. But a sudden motion of the Mexicans, involved him in 
fresh difficulties. They took possession of a high tower of the 
great temple, which overlooked the Spanish quarters, and 
placing there some of their principal warriors, not a Spaniard 
Gouldltir without beini; exposed to their missile weapons. 

From this post it was necessary, at every hazard to dislodge 
them, and Juan de Escobar with a numerous detachment of 
chosen soldiers was ordered to make the attacks But Escobar, 
though a gallant officer, and at the head of (roops accustomed to 
conquer, was thrice repulsed. Cortes sensible that the reputa- 
tion and safety of his army depended upon this assult, ordered a 
buckler to be tied to his arm, as he could not manage it with his 
wounded hand, and rushed with his drawn sword into the thick- 
est of the combatants. Encouraged by the presence of their gen- 
eral, the Spaniards returned to the charge with such vigour, 
that they gradually forced their way up the steps, and drove the 
Mexicans to the platform at the top of the tower, there a dread- 
ful carnage began, when two young Mexicans of high rank, ob- 
serving Cortes as he animated his soldiers by his voice and exam- 
ple, generously resolved to sacrifice their own lives, that they 
might cut off (he author of all their calamities. 

They approached him in a suppliant posture, as if they intend- 
ed to lay down their arms, and seizing him in a moment, hurried 
him towards the battlements, over wfiich they threw themselves 
headlong in hopes of dragging him along with them, to be dashed 
in pieces by the same fall. But Cortes by his strength and agili- 
ty, disengaged himself from the grasp, and thegallantyouths per- 
ished in this unsuccessful attempt to save their country. The 
Spaniards after they became masters of the tower, se4 fire to it, 
and without further molestation continued their preparations for 
their retreat. 
j The point to be determined upon was, whether they should 
! march out openly in the face of day, or whether they should 
march out openly in the face of day, or whether they should retire 
secretly in the night ! The latter was preferred. They began 
to move towards midnight, in three divisions. Sandoval led the 
van; Pedro Alvarado and Velasquez de Leon, conducted the 
1 rear ; and Cortes commanded in the centre, where he placed the 
(prisoners ; among whom were a son and two daughters of Mon- 
Ijtezuma, together with several Mexicans of distinction, the artil- 
lery, baggage, and a portable bridge of timber, to be laid over the 
breaches in the causeway. They marched in profound silence 
along the causeway, which led to Tacuba. They reached the 
^ first breach in it without disturbance, hoping their retreat was 
undiscovered. But the Mexicans unperceived had watched their 
I motions and had made proper dispositions, for a formidable attack. 
I \V hile the Spaniards were employed in placing their bridge, 
and conducting (heir horses and artillery, along tfje causewayj 



108 HISTORY OF 

they were suddenly alarmed with the tremendous sound of war- 
like instruments, and a general shout from an innumerable mul- 
titude of their enemies. 

The lake was covered with canoes; and flights of arrows and 
other missile weapons, poured in from every quarter: the Mexi- 
cans ruhhing forward with fearless impetuosity. Unfortunately 
the wooden bridge was wedged by the Wv^jght of the artillery so 
fast into the stoues and mud that it was impossible to remove it. 

Dismayed at this accident, the Spaniards advanced to the se- 
cond breach with precipitation. The Mexicans hemmed them 
in on every side ; and though they defended themselves with their 
usual courage, crowded as ^hey were, their military skill was of 
little avail, nor did the obscurity of the night permit them to de- 
rive any great advantage from the use of their fire-arms, or the 
superiority of their other weapons. All Mexico was now inarms, 
eager on the destruction of their oppressors. Those who were 
not near enough to annoy them in person, impatient of delay, 
drove on their countrymen in front with irresistible violence. 
Other warriors instantly filled, the place of those who fell. The 
Spaniards weary with slaughter, and unable to sustain the weight 
of the torrent that poured in uponlhem, began to give way. In a 
moment the confusion was universal ; horse and foot, officers and 
soldiers, fi lends and enemies, were mingled together ; and while 
all were engaged, and many fell, they could hardly distinguish 
from what hand ihe blow came. Cortes with about one hundred 
foot soldiers, and a lew horse, forced his way over the two re- 
maining breaches in the causeway : the bodies of the dead served 
to fill up the chasms, and reached the main land. 

Having formed them as soon as they arrived, he returned with 
such as were capable of service, to assist his friends in their re- 
treat, and to encourage them by his presence and example, to 
persevere in attempting their escape. He met with part of his 
soldiers, who had broke through the enemy, but found many 
more overwhelmed by the multitude of their aggressors, or per- 
ishing in the lake : and heard the piteous lamentations of others, 
whom the Mexicans having taken alive, were carrying oft* in tri- 
umph to be sacrificed to the god of war. Before day all who 
had escaped assembled at Tacuba. 

But when the morning dawned, and discovered to the view of 
Cortes his shattered forces reduced to less than half their number : 
the survivors dejected, and most of them covered with wounds, 
the thoughts of what they had suffered, and the remembrance of 
so many^aithful friends, and gallant men, who had fallen the 
preceding night, pierced his soul with such anguish, that while he 
was forming their ranks, and living some necessary orders, the 
soldiers observed the tears trinkie down his cheeks; and remark- 
ed with much satisfaction, that vhile attentive to his duty 'as 
general, he was hot insensible to the feelings of a man. 



AMERICA. 109 

In this fatal retreat, many officers of distinction perished, and 
amonj>;st these Velasquez de Leon, who had joined himself to 
Cortes in opposition to the interest of his kinsman the governor 
of Cuba, and who was respected as the second person in the ar- 
my. AH the artillery, bag2;a^e and ammunition were lost, and 
according to the best account above six hundred private men, and 
about two thousand Tlascalans, were killed, and only a very small 
portion of the treasure they had amassed was saved. 
It was, notwithstanding, some con^^olation, that Aguilar and Ma- 
rina had made their escape ; their functions as interpreters ren- 
dered them of essential service. 

The first care of Cortes was to find some shelter for his wea- 
ried troops ; the people of Tacuba had began to take arms, and 
the Mexicans continued to infest them on every side, so that he 
could no longer continue in his present station. He fortunately 
discovered a temple on a rising ground, which he took possession 
of, he found the shelter he wanted, and also some provisions to 
refresh his men. ? 

During his stay here, he was engaged in deep consultation with 
his officers, concerning the route which they should take in their 
retreat. A Tlascalan soldier undertook to be their guide : Tlas- 
cala, the only place where they could hope to receive a friendly 
reception, lay sixty-four miles to the east of Mexico; towards this 
place they shaped their course; they marched six days with lit- 
tle respite, and under continual alarms, through a country, in 
some places marshy and some mountainous, numerous bodies of 
Mexicans hovering around them ; sometimes harrassing them at 
a distance, and sometimes attacking them openly in front, in 
rear, and in flank, with great boldness ; and as they were now con- 
vinced that they were not invincible. 

These were not all the evils they had to undergo : the country 
through which they passed was barren, yielding but little provi- 
sions ; they were therefore reduced to feed upon such berries and 
roots as they could find by the way. At the very time when fa- 
mine was depressing their spirits, and wasting their strength, 
their situation required the most vigorous and unremitting exer- 
tions of courage and activity. One circumstance alone animated 

, the Spaniards ; their commander sustained the sad reverse of 

I fortune with unshaken magnanimity. His presence of mind never 
forsook him : his sagacity saw and provided for every event ; he 
wsis foremost in every danger, and endured every hardship with 
cheerfulness. 

The difficulties with which he was surrounded, seemed to call 

I forth new talents ; and his soldiers, though despairing themselves, 
continued to follow him with increasing confidence in his abilities. 

I On the sixth da^ they reached Otumba, not far from the road 
leading from Mexico to Tlascala. Early next morning they be- 

K 



no HISTORY OF 

gan to advance towards it ; flving parties of the enemy still hang- 
ing on their rear : and amidst ihe insults which they uttered, Ma- 
rino remarked that th^v often exclaimed with exultation, ** Goon 
*' robbers : go to the place where you shall quickly meet the ven- 
"geance due to your crimes." The meaning of this threat they 
understood, when they had reached the summit of an eminence 
before them. There a spacious valley opened to their view, cov- 
ered with avast army, extending as far as the eye could reach. 

The Mexicans had assembled their principal force in this 
place, through which they knew Cortes must pass. At the sight 
of this incredible multitude, the Spaniards began to despair. But 
Cortes, without allowing their fears^to gather strength by reflec- 
tion, after warning them that no alternative now remained but to 
conquer or die, led them instantly to the charge. Ihe Mexicans 
awaited their approach with unusual fortitude. 

Such, however, was the superiority of the Spanish discipline 
and arms, that tlie impression of this small body was irresistible ; 
and which ever way its force was directed, it penetrated and 
dispersed the most numerous battalions. But while they gave 
way in one quarter, new combatants advanced from another ; 
and, though the Spaniards were successful in every attack, yet 
were they ready to sink under those repeated eiforts, without 
seeing any end to tlieir toil, or any hope of victory. 

At that time Cortes observed the great standard of the empire, 
which was carried^jefore the Mexican general, advancing; and 
fortunately recollecting to have heard, that on the fate of it de- 
])ended the event of every battle ; he assembled a few of his 
bravest officers, whose horses were still capable of service, and 
placing himself at their head, pushed forward towards the stand- 
ard with an iippetuosity that bore down every thing before it. 
A chosen body of nobles, who guarded the standard, made some 
resistance, but were soon broken. Cortes, with a stroke of his 
lance, wounded the Mexican general, and threw him to the 
ground : one of his followers dismounting, put an end to his life 
and laid hold of the imperial standard. 

The moment that their leader tell, and the standard, to which 
all turned their eyes, disappeared, the Mexicans, as if the bond 
which held them together had been dissolved, tlirew away their 
weapons and tied with precipitation to the mountains. The 
Spaniards unable to pursue them far, returned to take the spoils 
«t the tield, which were so valual)le, aslo be some compensation 
for the wealth which they had lost in Mexico. The principal 
warriors in the eneuiv's army, had been dressed out in their rich- 
est ornaments, expecting that tliey were marching to certain 
victorv . 

jSext day to their great joy, they entered the Tlascalan terri- 
tories. Happily for ttiem, the enmity of the Tlascalans to the 



AMERICA. Ill 

Mexican name was so inveterate, ami their ilesirc to avenge the 
death of their countrymen so vehement, that lar From taking ad- 
vaiitage of the distressed situation in which they heheld the Span- 
iards, they received them with a tenderness and cordiality, 
which quickly renewed all their f()rmer confidence. 

Some interval of tranquility and indulgence was now absolute- 
ly necessary, that the soldiers might give attention to the cure of 
their wounds, which had been too \ous; neglected, as well as to 
recruit their strenj;th. Cortes had still a body of troops equal in 
number to that with which he had penetrate<l into the centre of 
the Mexican empire, and taken possession of the capital; hi* 
experience of the natives, and knowledge of the country, inspir- 
ed him with hopes of quickly recovering all that he had been de- 
prived of by the late events. 

His attention to court the Tlascalan chiefs was one of his first 
measures : he distributed among them so liberally of the rich 
spoils of Otumba, that he was secure of obtaining whatever he 
should require of the republic. He drew a small supply of am- 
munition, and two or three field pieces from his stores at Vera 
Cruz. He despatched an oftieerof confidence with four ships of 
Narvaey/s fleet to Hispaniola and Jamaica, to engage adventu- 
rers, and to purchase horses, gunpowder, and other military 
stores. As he knew it would be in vain to attempt the conquest 
of Mexico unless he had the command of the lake, he gave or* 
ders to prepare in the forests of TIascala, materials for building 
twelve brigantiaes, so as they mijiht be carried in pieces ready to 
be put together, and launched when necessary. 

But while he was thus taking measures towards the execution 
of his design, an obstacle arose in a quarter where it was least 
expected. The spirit of discontent broke out in his own army. 
The followers of Narvaez bitterly repented their choice ; happy 
in having made their escape in the perilous retreat from Mexico, 
treuibled at the thouj^htsof being exposed a second time to simi- 
lar dangers. As soon as they discovered the intention of Cortes, 
ihey began secretly to murmur and cabal ; and growing gradu- 
ally more audacious, they in a body ofl'ered a remonstrance to 
their general, against the imprudence of attacking a powerful 
empire with his shattered forces; and formally required him to 
lead them back directly to Cuba. 

Cortes with all his skill in the arts of command: neither argu- 
ment, entreaties or presents were suffit^ient to remove their fears : 
his own soldiers animated with the spirit of tiieir leader, warmly 
seconded his endeavours, but all in vain : the utmost that he. 
could effect, was to prevail with them to defer their departure, 
on a promise, that he would, at a more proper time, dismiss 
»uch as should desire it. 

That the malccontents might be diverted from brooding over 



113 HISTORY OF 

the causes of their disaffection, he resolved instantly to call forth 
his troops in action. His first expedition was a.sjainst the Te- 
peacans uho had cut off a small detachment cf Spaniards, con- 
sisting n.ostlv of ihe followers of Narvapz, when marching from 
Zempoalla to Mexico : another party had been destroyed in the 
mountains as they were returning from Tlascala to Vera Cruz, 
with the share of the Mexican gold allotted to the garrison. 
The desire of vengeance engaged them more willingly in this 
war. 

Cortes took the command in person, and in the space of a few 
weeks in several encounters, with great slaughter of the Tepea- 
cans, reduced that province to subjection. Thus, for several 
months, he kept his troops constantly employed against the adja- 
L'ent provinces. His men thus accustomed to victory, resumed 
their former sense of their superiority; the Mexican power was 
weakened ; and the Tlascalnn warriors acquiring the habit of 
acting in conjunction with the Spaniards; the chiefs were de- 
lighted with seeing their country enriched with the spoils of their 
enemies, and were astonished every day with fresh discoveries 
♦cf the irresistible prowess of their new allies, and exerted every 
nerve to support them. 

The reinforcements that Cortes expected from the isles wa^ 
now the chief object of his thouj^hts ; the aid of these, however, 
was distant and uncertain. But what neither his own sagacity 
nor power could have procured, he owed to a series of fortunate 
and unforeseen events. The governor of Cuba, who supposed 
the success of Narvaez was an infallible certainty, having seat 
two small ships after him with new instructions, and a supply of 
men and milirary stores, the officer whom Cortes had appointed 
to command on the coast, artfully decoded them into the harbour 
of Vera Cruz, seized the vessels, and easily persuaded the sol- 
diers to follow the standard of a more able leader, than him they 
were destined to join. Soon after, three ships of more consider- 1^ 
able force came into the harbour sepaiately. These belonged lo 
an armament tilted out by Francisco de Caray, governor of Ja- 
maica, who being possessed with the rage of discovery and con- 
quest, had long aimed at dividing the glory and gain uf the Mex- 
ican empire with Corles. 

After a succession of disasters, they were compelled by fa- 
mine to venture into Vera Cruz, and to cast themselves on the 
mercy of their countrymen ; as if the spirit of revolt had been 
contagious to New Spain, these were easily persuaded to aban- 
don their old master, and enlist under Cortes. A ship about this 
lime also arrived from Spain, fitted out by some merchants, with 
military stores, in hopes of a profitable maiket, in a country, the 
fame of whose opulence, began to spread over Europe. Cortes ea- 
gerly purchased a cargo, which to him was invaluable, and the 



AMERICA. HS 

crew loilowing the a;enera] example, joiiicil hiin at TIascala. It wa«* 
a sini^ular circumstance that the two persons chieflj i/ihtrumental 
in furnishing him with those seasonahle supplies, should l)e, one 
an avowed enemy who sought his destiuction, and the other an 
envious rival, who wished to supplant him. 

The first effect of the junctiofi with his new follo'.vers, was to 
dismiss such of Narvaez's soldiers, as remained with reluctance 
in his service. After their departure, he still Jiiustered five hun- 
dred and fifty infantry, forty horsemen, and a train of nine field 
|)ieces; at the head of these, accompanied by ixtn thousand Tias- 
ealans and other fiiendly Indians, Covtes, on the twenty-eighth of 
December, 15^0, began his march towards Mexico* The Mex^ 
ican-^, h{MV'ever, were prepared to receive iiim. 

The chiefs of the empire, upon the di^ath of Montezuma, 'in- 
stantly raised his hrothor Quetlavaca to the throne, lie embraced 
tlie first opportunity of convincing them that he was worthy of 
their ch(jice, by conducting in person those fierce atticks, which 
€om|)elled the Sj)aniards to abandon his capital. After iheir re- 
treat lie took mcasiires i\yr preventing their return to Mexico, 
lie saw the storm that was gathering; he therefi>re repaired 
vhat the Spaniards had destroyed in the city, and sttetigthened it 
v.ith new fortiiicatioiis ; he filled his magazines with the usual 
weapons of war, and directed long spears to be made, headed 
vith the swordsaud daggers taken from the Spaniards, in order 
to annoy the cavalry. He summoned the people in every pro- 
vince to take arms: he also endeavoured to persuade the Tlas- 
calans, tv> withdraw their aid and fiiendship from those strangers, 
>vho had given such manifest iiMlications of their enmity to their 
gods, and who would at last subject them to the same yoke they 
were endeavouring to impose upon others. 

These representations were urged with such force*and solid 
reason, that it required all the address of Cortes to pi event their 
making a dangerous impression. But while the Mexican chief 
was forming his plan of defence, with grea.t foresight, the small 
pox, which the Spaniards had introduced into New Spain, put aa 
end to his career. The Mexicans at his death, raised to the 
throne Guatimozinj nej)hew and son-in-law to Montezuma, a 
young man of high reputation for abilities and valour : and at 
this dangerous crisis-, his countrymen with one voice called him 
to; the supreme command. 

As Cortes entered the enemy's territories, he found various ob- 
structions : but his troops forced their way with little difliculty, 
and took possession of TezcuGo, the second city of the empire, 
about twenty miles from Mexico. Here he established his head 
quarters, it being a convenient station for launching his brigan- 
l^nes, and for making his approaches to the capital. 

The cazique or chief who presided there, he deposed, u^dl^- 
K J 



il4 HISTORY OF 

pretext of some defect in his title, and put in his place, a persoii 
whom a faction of the nohles pointed out as the right heir to that 
dignity. By this artifice the new cazique and his adiierents^ 
served the Spaniards with inviolable fidelity. Cortes having ear- 
ly discovered symptoms of disaft'ection, in the cities situated round 
about Mexico,' availed himself of this circumstance to gain their 
confidence and friendship. 

He offered with coiifidence to deliver them from the gal ling- 
yoke of the Mexicans, and was very liberal of promises if they 
would unite with him against their oppressors. By these aits he 
prevailed upon several considerable districts, not only to acknow- 
ledge the king of Castile for their sovereign, but to supply the 
Spanish camp with provisions, and to auejment his army with aux- 
iliary troops. Guatimozin on the first appearance of disaffection 
amcmj* his subjects, exerted himself with vigour to prevent or 
punish their revolt. He beheld with deep concern, Cortes arm- 
ing against his empire, those very hands which ou^ht to have 
been active in its defence, and ready to march against the capir 
tal at the head of a numerous body of his own subjects. 

While Cortes was thus circumscribing the Mexican power, a 
dangerous conspiracy had nearly ruined all his schemes. Tha 
soldiers of Narvaez, uho still remained v\ith him, had never per- 
fectly united wiUi the original eompanions of Cortes, neither did 
they enter so cordially into his n\easures. And now on a near 
view (>f what they had to encounter, in attempting to reduce a 
city so inaccesi-ible as Mexico and defended by a numerous 
army, their resolution beiian to fail. They now began to cabal 
and censure their general's neasuies, and propose plans for their 
own safety, of v.^hich they deemed their commander totally neg»^ 
ligent. ^ _ ^ 

Antonio ViUefagna. a private soldier, but bold, intriguing, and 
strongly attached to Velasquez, artfully fomented this growing 
di^affeclion. His quarters became the rendezvous of the male- 
contents, where, after many consultations, they agreed that their 
only reme<ly was, to assassinate Coites and his most considerable 
officers, and conferring the conimand on sotpc person who would 
ielihquish his plans, and adopt measures which, in their opinion, 
were m(»re consistent with the o;eiieral security. Despair in- 
spired them with couiage. The nour for executing their design, 
the destined victin.s, and the officers to succeed them, w ere all 
nauied. These resolutions were signed by the conspirators, who 
bound themselves to each other by the most solemn oaths to mu* 
tual fidelity. 

But on the evening before the appointed day, one of Cortes's an- 
cient followers, who had been seduced, touched with conipunc- 
tion at the iminineiit danger of a man whom he had been long ac- 
customed tu revere, went privately to his general; und revealed 



AMEUICAo 115 

to him all he knew. Cortes, though deeply alarmed, repaired in- 
stantly to the auat ters of Villefagna, accompanied hv some of his 
most trusty officeis. The astonishment at this unexpected visit, 
anticipated the confession of his a;uilt. While his attendants 
seized him, Cortes snatched from his bosom a paper containing 
the association, si'i.ned by rl.e conspirators. Impatient to know- 
how far the defection extended, he relired to read it, and found 
in it names which filled liim with surprize and sorrow. Policy 
made liim coniiiie his inquiries to Villefagna alone, as the proofs 
of his ^uilt were manifest. He was condemned, after a short 
trial, and next mornino; v\as seen hanging before the door of the 
hou^ie in which he had lodged. 

Cortes enlled his troops together, and having explained to them 
the attrocious designs of the conspirators, as well as the justice of 
the punishment of Villefagna, he added with an appearance of 
satisfaction, that he was entirely ignorant of the other conspira- 
tors; ^s the traitor when arrested had suddenly torn and swal- 
lowed a paper which probably ^ave an account of the conspiracy 5 
and could not be made, under the greatest tortures, to discover 
his aei'omplices, 'iliis artful declaration restored tranquility to 
many a breast, that was throbbing with apprehension. 

- Cortes ditl not allow them leisure to ruminaie on what had hap- 
pened, but immediately called forth his troops to action. He had 
received intelligence that the materials for building the brii^an- 
tines were ready. He therefore sent a convoy of two hundred 
foot-soldiers, fifteen horsemen, and two field pieces, under the 
command of Sandoval, whose activity and courage was manifest- 
ed upon every occasion, and who had acquired the confiilenee 
not only of Cortes, but of his fellow-soldiers. The service was 
singular and important: the whole utensils, the beams, plank, 
masts, cordage, sails, iron work, and an infinite variety of ar- 
ticles, were to be carried sixty miles over land, through a moun- 
tainous country, by jteople who were unacquainted with the aid 
of domestic animals, or the use of machines. 

The Tlascalans furnished for this purpose eight thousand Ta- 
memes, an inferior order of men destined for servile uses, to car- 
ry the materials on their shoulders, and appointed fifteen thou- 
sand warriors to accompany and defend them. Sandoval placed 
the Tamemes in the centre, one body of warriors in the frontj 
and another in the rear, with considerable parties to cover the 
flanks. To each of these he joined some Spaniards, to assist them 
in danger, and accustom them to regularity and subordination. 

A body so numerous and so encumbered, advanced but slowly^ 
but in excellent order, §n some places, where they were con- 
fined by woods or mountains, the line of march extended abova 
six miles. Parties of Mexicans frequently appeared hovering 
acuund them oa the high grounds, but perceiving that there was^ 



T16" HISTORY OF 

no prospect of success in attacking an enemy always on iiia 
guard, they did not venture to molest them. 

Sandoval had the glory of conducting safely to Tezciico a 
convoy on which all the future operations of his countrymen de- 
pended. 

The joy occasioned hy the safe arrival of the convoy was en- 
creased by the arrival of four ships from Hispaniola, with two 
hundred soldiers, eighty horses, two battering cannon, and a 
fresh supply of arms and ammunition. Elevated with tliis addi- 
tional strength, Cortes was impatient to begin the siege in form, 
and hastened the launching of the bri^antines. 

He en'ployed a vast number of Indians for two months in 
deepening a small creek that emptied into the lake, so as to form 
a canal two miles in length. The Mexicans, aware of the danger 
that threatened tliem, endeavoured to interrupt the labourers^ 
or to burn the brigantines, but in vain : tlie work was at last 
completed. On the twenty-eighth of April, 1j21, all the Spanish 
troops, vvith the auxiliary Indians, were drawn up on the banks 
of the canal: and uith great military pomp, rendered more 
solemn by the celebration of religious rights, the brigantines were 
launched. 

AS they passed down the canal, father Olinedo blessed thfwr, 
and gaveto ea<*h a name. Every eye followed them vvith wonder 
atid hope, until they entered the fake, v, hen they hoisted thei:- 
sails and bore away before tlie wind. 

A general shout of joy was raised 5 all admiring Ihat bold in- 
ventive genius, which by means so extraordinary had acquired 
the command of a fi<}et, v»itbx)ut the aid of which, Mexico would 
have set power and arms ai defiance. 

Cortes prepared to attack the city from three different quar- 
ters : from i ezcueo, on the east side of the lake ; from Tacuba, on 
the west; and from Cuyocan, towards the south. These towns 
were situated on th« principal causeways which led to the capi- 
ta!, and intended for their defence. Sandoval commanded in 
the first, Pedro -de Alvarado in the second, and Christoval de 
Olid in the third : allotting to each a numerous body of Indian 
auxiliaries, together with an e<]|ual division of Spaniards, who, by 
the junction of the troops from Hispaniola, amounted to eighty-six 
horsemen, and eigjit hundred and eighteen foot soldiers; of whom 
one hundred and eighteen were armed with muskets or cross 
bows. Their train ot artillery was three battering cannofi, and 
fifteen field-pieces. He reserved for himself, as the station of the 
greatest importance and danger, the conduct of the brigantines, 
each armed with one of his small caunpn, and manned with twen- 
ty-five Spaniards, 

As Alvarado and 01i3 proceeded to the posts assigned them^ 
they broke down the aqueducts,whicb the Mexicans had erected 



AMERICA. 117 

to convey water into the capital, and was the beginning of the dis- 
tresses which the inhabitants were destined to suffer. The towns 
which they were ordered to take possession of, were deserted by 
the inhabitants, who had fled for safety to the capital, where 
Guatimozin had collected the chief force of his empire, as the 
only place where he could hope to make a successful stand 
against such formidable enemies, who were approaching to as- 
sault him. ; 

The first effort of the Mexicans was to destroy the brigantines, 
the fatal effects of whose operations they foresaw and dreaded. 
Necessity urged Guatimozin to hazard an attack: he assembled 
such a multitude of canoes as covered the face of the lake, hop- 
ing to overwhelm them with numbers. They rowed on boldly to 
the charge, while the brigantines, retarded by a dead calm, could 
scarcely advance to meet them. But as the enemy drew near, 
a breeze suddenly sprung up, in a moment the sails were spread, 
and the brigantines, with irresistible impetuosity, broke through 
their feeble opponents, overset many of their canoes, and dis- 
persed the whole armament with such slaughter, as convinced 
the Mexicans, that their enemies were as formidable on this new 
element as they had found them on land. 

Cortes after this remained absolute master of the lake, and the 
brigantines preserved a communication between the Spaniards 
in their difterent stations, thoua;h at a considerable distance from 
each other, and at the same time covered the causeways, keep- 
ing off the canoes when they attempted to annoy the troops as 
they advanced towards the city. The Mexicans, in their own 
defence, displayed such valour as was hardly inferior to that with 
which the Spaniards attacked them. On land, on water, by night 
and by day, one furious conflict suci'eeded another. Several Spa- 
niards were killed, more wounded, and all were ready to sink 
under the toils of u.iremitting service, which had become intol- 
erable by the injuries of the season 5 the periodical rains having 
set in with their usual violence. 

Cortes, astonished at the difficulties and length of the siege, 
determined to make one great effort to get possession of the city, 
before he relinquished the plan which he had hitherto proposed. 
AVith this view, he sent instructions to Alvarado and Sandoval, 
to advance with their divisions to a general assault, and took the 
command in person of that posted on the causeway of Cuyocan. 
Animated by his presence, and expecting some decisive event, 
the Spaniards pressed forward with irresistible impetuosity. 
They broke down one barricade after another, forced their way 
over the ditches "and canals, and having entered the city, they 
gained ground incessantly, notwithstanding the multitude and 
ferocity of their enemies. 

Cortes, though delighted with the rapidity of his progress, did 



ns HISTORY OF 

not forget that he might find it necessary to make a retreat; and 
in order to secure it, appointed Julian de Alderete, a captain of 
chief note in the troops which he had received from Hispaniola, 
to fill up the canals and gaps, in the causeway, as the main body 
advanced. That officer thinking it beneath" him to be thus em- 
ployed, Trhile his companions were in the heat of action, and in 
full career of victory, neglected the important charge, and hur- 
ried on to join his companions in arms. 

The Mexicans, whose military skill was daily improving, no 
sooner observed this, than they carried an account of it to their 
monarch. Guatimozin instantly discerned the consequences of 
the error which the Spaniards had committed, and with admira- 
ble presence of mind, prepared to take advantage of it. We com- 
manded the troops posted in the front to slacken their etfbris, 
that the Spaniards might be allured to push forwards, while he 
despatched a large body of chosen warriors through different 
streets, some by land, and others by water, towards the great 
breach in the causeway which had been left open. 

On a signal given, the priests in the principal temple, struck 
the great drum consecrated to the god of war. No sooner did 
the Mexicans hear its doleful solemn sound, calculated to inspire 
them with a contempt of death, than they rushed upon the ene- 
my with frantic rage. The Spaniards, unable to resist nien 
urged on by religious fury, began to retire at first in good order; 
but, as the enemj pressed on, the terror and confusion became 
general; so that when they arrived at the gap in the causeway, 
Spaniards and Tlascalans, horsemen and infantry, plunged in 
promiscuously, while the Mexicans rushed in upon them fiercely 
from every side, their light canoes carrying them over shoals 
where the brigantines could not approach. In vain did Cortes 
attempt to rally his forces : fear rendered them regardless of his 
entreaties or commands. 

Finding all his endeavours to renew the combat fruitless, his 
next care was to save those who had thrown themselves into the 
water ; but while he was thus employed, with more attention to- 
their situation than his own, six Mexican captains suddenly laid 
hold of him, and were hurrying him off in triumph; and, though 
two of his officers rescued him at the expense of their lives, he 
received several dangerous wounds, before he could disengage 
himself. About sixty Spaniards perished in this encounter : and 
what rendered the disaster still more afflicting, forty of these fell 
alive into the hands of an enemy never known to shew mercy to 
a captive. 

Night, thou2;h it delivered the Spaniards from the attacks of 
the enemy, ushered in what was no less grievous : the noise of 
their barbarous triumph, and the horrid festivals with which they 
celebrated their victory. Every quarter of the city was illumi- 



AMERICA. il9 

natecl: the great temple shone with peculiar splendour; so that 
the Spaniards could plainly see the people in motion, and the 
priests busy in hastening the death of the prisoners. They fan- 
cied they could discover their companions by the whiteness of 
their skins, as they were stripped naked to dance before the image 
of the god, to whom they were offered. 

They heard the shrieks of those who were sacrificed, and 
thought they could distinguish each unhappy victim by the sound 
of his voice. Imagination added to, and augmented the horror. 
The most unfeeling melted into tears of compassion, and the stout- 
est heart trembled at the dreadful spectacle which they beheld. 
Cortes, who felt in common with his soldiers, was oppressed 
with an additional load of anxious reflections, natural to a general 
on such an unexpected calamity; he could not, like them, relieve 
his mind by giving vent to its anguish. He was obliged to assume 
an air of tranquility, in order to revive the drooping spirits and 
hopes of his followers. The juncture, indeed, required an extra- 
ordinary exertion of courage. 

The Mexicans, elated with their victory, sallied out next morn- 
ing to attack him in his quarters. But they did not rely on the 
efforts of their own arms alone. They sent the heads of the 
Spaniards whom they had sacrificed, to the leading men in the 
adjacent provinces, and assured them that the god of war, ap- 
peased by the blood of the invaders, which had been shed so plen- 
tifully on his altars, had declared, with an audible voice, that in 
eight days time, those hated enemies should be finally destroyed, 
and peace and prosperity established in the empire, 
/rhis prediction being uttered without any ambiguity, gained 
I universal credit among the natives; several of the provinces, 
which had hitherto remained inactive, took up arms with enthusi- 
' astic ardour; even the TIasealans were lead to relax in their fideli- 
] ty, and Cortes and his Spaniards were almost left alone in their 
, stations. Cortes, finding that he in vain attempted to dispel the 
j superstitious fears of his confederates, took advantage of theim- 
j prudence of those who had framed the prophecy, in fixing itsac- 
• complishment so near at hand, to give them a striking demonstra- 
tion of its falsity. He suspended all military operations during 
the period marked out by the oracle; and, under cover of the 
brigantines, his troops lay in safety: the enemy was kept at a 
distance, and the fatal term expired without any disaster. 

His allies, ashamed of their own credulity, returned to their 
station. Other tribes now veered about, from a belief that the 
gods had deceived the Mexicans, and had decreed finally to 
withdraw their protection from them: such was the levity of 
this simple race of men. 

In a short lime, according to the account of Cortes, he was at 
the head of a hundred and fifty thousand Indians. Notwithstand- 



no HISTORY OF 

ing this lai^e addition of strength, he found it necessary io adopf 
a more wary system of operations. He now made his advances 
gradually, and was more cautious of exposing his men to similar 
calamities which thev still hewailed. 

As soon as they s;ot possession of any part of the town, the 
houses were instantly destroyed. Famine now began to rage 
amonast the Mexicans: the brigantines prevented all supplies 
coming; to their relief by water, and the Indian auxiliaries enabled 
Cortes to shut up the avenues of the city; not only the common 
people, but persons of the highest rank felt the utmost distresses 
of want. These sufferings were succeeded by infectious and 
mortal distempers: the last calamity that visits besieged cities, 
and which filled up the measure of their woes. 

Guatimozin, notwithstanding all these various and pressing 
evils, remained firm and unsubdued. He rejected with scorn 
every overture of peace with Cortes ; disdaining the idea of sub- 
mitting to the oppressors of his country, and was determined not 
to survive its ruin. The Spaniards at length, with all their divi- 
sions, made a secure lodgement in the centre of the city. Three 
fourths were now laid in ruins. The remaining quarter was so 
closely pressed that it could not long withstand assailants, who 
DOW attacked them with superior advantage, and a more assured 
prospect of success. 

The Mexican nobles, solicitous to save the life of a monarch 
whom they revered, prevailed on Guatimozin to retire from a 
place, where resistance was now in vain ; that he might rouse 
the more distant provinces, and maintain there a more successful 
war, with the pulDlic enemy. To facilitate the execution of this 
measure, they sought to gain time by endeavouring to amuse 
Cortes with overtures of peace. But they made this attempt 
upon a leader of greater sagacity and discernment than to be 
deceived by their arts. Cortes suspecting their intention, and 
aware of what moment it was best to defeat it, appointed San- 
doval, on whose vigilance he could most perfectly rely, to take 
the command of the brigantines, with strict injunctions to watch 
every motion of the enemy. 

Sandoval, attentive to the charge, observed some large canoes 
crowded with people, rowing across the lake, with uncommon ra- 
pidity, instantly gave the signal to chase. Garcia Holguin, who 
commanded the fleetest brigantir»e, soon overtook them, and was 
preparing to fire on the foremost canoe, wbieh seemed to carry 
some person whom all the rest followed and obeyed. At once the 
rowers dropped their oars, and throwing down their arms, con- 
jured him with cries and tears to forbear, as the emperor was 
there. Holguin eagerly seized his prize, and Guatimozin, with a 
dignified composure, gave himself up into his hands, requesting 
only that no insult might be offered to the empress or his children. 



AMERICA. i^l 

'When conducted to Cortes, he appeared worthy of a better fate: 
he discovered none of the sullen fierceness of the barbarian, nor 
the dejection of a supplicant. " I have done," said he, address- 
ing himself to the Spanish general, " what became a monarch ; I 
« have defended my people to the last extremity: nothing now 
« remains but to die ;...,take this dagger," laying his hand on one 
Cortes wore, " plant it in my breast, and put an end to a life 
" that can no longer be of use." 

As soon as the fate of their sovereign was known, all resistance 
on the part of the JNlexicans ceased ; and Cortes took possession 
of the remaining part of the city. Thus terminated the siege of 
Mexico, the most memorable event in the conquest of America. 
It continued seventy -five days, not one of which passed without 
some extraordinary effort af one party in attacking, or of the 
other in defending, a city, on the fate of which both parties knew 
that of the empire depended. As the struggle here was more ob- 
stinate, it was likewise more equal, than any between the inhab- 
itants of the Old and New Worlds. 

The great abilities of Guatimozin, the number of his troops, the 
peculiar situation of his capital, so far counterbalanced the supe- 
riority of the Spaniards in arms and discipline, that they must 
have relinquished the enterprize if they had trusted to themselves 
alone. ButMexico was overturned by the jealousy of neighbours, 
who dreaded its power, and by the revolt of subjects impatient to 
throw off the yoke. By their effectual aid, Cortes was enabled to 
accomplish what, without such support, he would hardly have 
ventured to attempt. Great merit is due to the abilities of Cortes, 
who under every disadvantage, acquired such an ascendency over 
unknown nations, as to render them instruments towards carry* 
ing his schemes into execution. 

The exultation of the Spaniards, on accomplishing this arduous 
enterprize, was at first excessive. But this was quickly damped 
by the disappointment of those sanguine hopes, which had ani- 
mated them amidst so many hardships and dangers. Instead of the 
inexhaustible wealth which they expected from becoming masters 
of Montezuma's treasures, and the ornaments of so many temples, 
they could only collect an inconsiderable booty, amidst ruins and 
desolation. According to the account of Cortes, the whole 
amoupt was only 120,000 pesios, a sum far inferior to that whicK 
the Si>aniards had formerly divided in Mexico. This sum, when 
divided among the conquerors, was so small, that many of them 
disdained the pittance that fell to their share. 

Guatimozin, aware of his impending fate, had ordered what 
had remained of the riches amassed by his ancestors, to be thrown 
into the lake. Cortes, from an anxious desire to check the grow- 
ing discontent among his followers, gave way to a deed which 
stained the glory of all his great actions. Without regarding ^he 



i22 HISTORY Ut 

former dignity of Guatimozin, or feeling any reverence for those 
virtues which he had displayed, he subjected the unhappy mo- 
narch, together with his chief favourite, to torture, in order to 
enforce them to a discovery of the royal treasures, which it was 
supposed they had concealed. Guatimozin bore whatever the 
refined cruelty of his tormentors could inflict with invincible 
fortitude. 

His fellow sufferer, overcome by the violence of the anguish, 
turned a dejected inquiring eye towards his master, and seemed 
to implore his permission to reveal all that he knew. But the 
high spirited prince, dartins; on him a look of authority, mingled 
"with scorn, checked his weakness by asking, " Am I now re- 
posing on a bed of flowers?" Overawed by the reproach, he per- 
severed in his dutiful silence, and expired. Cortes, ashamed of a 
scene so horrid, rescued the royal victim from the hands of his 
torturers, and prolonged a life reserved for new indignities and 
sufferings. 

The provinces now submitted to the conquerors. Sn^ll de- 
tachments of Spaniards marched through them, without inter- 
ruption, and penetrated, in different quarters, to the great south- 
ern ocean, which, according to the ideas of Columbus, they ima- 
;o;ined would open a short and easy passas;e to the East Indies. 

The active mind of Cortes began already to form schemes for 
attempting this important discovery. He was ignorant that this 
very scheme had been undertaken and accomplished, during the 
progress of his victorious arms in Mexico. 

Ferdinand Magellan, a Portuguese gentleman of honourable 
birth, having received ill treatment from his general and sove- 
reign, in a transport of resentment, formally renounced his alle- 
giance to an ungrateful master, and fled to the court of Castile, in 
hopes that his worth would be more justly estimated. He revived 
Columbus's original and favourite project, of discovering a pas- 
sage to India by awestern course. Cardinal Ximenes listened to it 
-with a most favourable ear. Charles V. on his arrival in his Spa- 
nish dominions, entered into the measure with no less ardour, and 
orders were issued for equipping a proper squadron at the public 
charge, of which the command was given to Magellan, whom the 
king honoured with the habit of St.Jago, and the title of captain- 
general. ' ? 

On the tenth of August, 1519, Magellan sailed from Seville, 
•with five ships, which were deemed at that time of considerable 
force; though the largest of them did not exceed one hundred 
and twenty tons burden : the crew of the whole amounted to t^yo 
hundred and thirty four men, including some of the most skilful 
pilots in Spain, and seven Portuguese sailors, in whom Magel- 
lan placed the utmost confidence. 

Mtev touching at the Canaries,, he stood directly south, to- 



AMERICA. 123 

wartls the equinoctial line along the coast of America. He did 
not reach the river de la Plata till the twelfth of January, 1520. 
That spacious body of water allured him to enter into it, but 
after sailing for some days, he concluded, from the shallowness of 
the stream, and its freshness, that the wisihed IW strait was not 
situated there. 

On the thirty-first of March he arrived at the port of St. Julian, 
at about forty -eight degrees of south latitude, where he resolved 
to winter. In this uncomfortable station he lost one of his squad- 
ron, and the Spaniards suft'ered so much from the inclemency of 
the climate, that the crews of three of the ships, headed by their 
officers, rose in open mutiny, and insisted on relinquishing the vi- 
sionary project of a desperate adventurer, and returning directly 
to Spain. This dangerous insurrection Magellan wisely suppres- 
sed, by an efii)rt of courage no less prompt than intrepid : and 
inflicted exemplary punishment on the ringleaders. With the 
remainder of his followers, overawed but not reconciled to his 
scheme, he continued his voyage toward the south, and at lengtli 
discovered, near the fifty-third degree of latitude, the mouth of a 
strait, into which he entered, notwithstanding the murmurs of the 
people under his command. 

After sailing twenty days in that winding and dangerous chan- 
nel, to which he gave his own name, and where one of his ships 
deserted him, the great southern ocean opened to his view; and 
with tears of joy, he returned thanks to heaven, for having thus 
far crowned his endeavours uith success. He continued to sail 
in a north west direction three months and twenty days, without 
discovering land; in this voyage, the longest that had ever been 
made in the unbounded ocean, he suffered incredible distress. 
His stock of provisions was almost exhausted, the water became 
])utrid, the men were reduced to the shortest allowance, with 
which it was possible to sustain life : and the scurvy began to 
spread among them. One circumstance alone afforded consola- 
tion. They enjoyed an uninterrupted succession of fair weather, 
with such favourable winds, that Magellan bestowed on that oceaa 
the name of Paci/ic, which it still retains. 

They would have soon sunk under their sufferings, had they not 
discovered and fell in with a cluster of islands, whose fertility 
afforded them refreshments in such abundance, that their health 
was soon re-established. From these islands, to which he gave the 
name of De los Lad rones, he proceeded on his voyage, and soon 
made a more important discovery of the islands now known by 
the name of the Fhilippines ; in one of these he got into an unfor- 
tunate quarrel with the natives, who attacked him with a nu- 
merous body of troops well armed ; and while he fought at the 
head of his men with his usual valour, he fell by the hands of 
those barbarians, together with several of his principal officers. 



U4 HISTORY OF 

Other officers took the command, and after touching at several 
other islands in the Indian ocean, thej at length landed atTidore, 
one of the Moluccas,, to the astonishment of the Portuguese, who 
could not comprehend how the Spaniards, bj holding a westerly 
course, had arrived at that sequestered seat of their valuable 
•commerce, which they had discovered by sailing in an opposite 
direction. 

There, and in the adjacent isles, tiiey found a people acquaint- 
ed with the benefit of trade, and pleased with opening; an inter- 
course with a new nation. They took in a cargo of valuable 
spices, with that and other specimens of rich commodities which 
they had collected from other countries, they loaded the Victory^ 
•which, of the two ships that remained, was the most fit for a long 
voyage, and set sail for Spain, under the command of Juan Sebas- 
lian del Cano. He followed the course of the Portuguese by the 
«'.ape of Good Hope ; and after many sufferings, he arrived at St. 
Lucar, on the seventh of September, 16^22, having sailed round 
the globe in the space of three years and twenty-eight days. 

To return to the transaction of New Spain; At the time that 
Cortes was acquiring such vast territories, for his sovereign, and 
preparing the way for future conquests, it was his singular fate, 
not only to be destitute of any commission or authority from the 
sovereign whom he served with such successful zeal, but was re- 
garded as an undutiful seditious subject. By the influence of Fon- 
seca, bishop of Burgos, liis conduct, in assuming the government 
of New Spain, was declared to bean irregular usurpation, in 
contempt of the royal authority ; and Christoval de Tapia was 
commissioned to supercede Cortes, to seize his person, confiscate 
his effects, make a strict scrutiny into liis proceedings, and trans- 
mit the result of his inquiries to the court of the Indies, of which 
the bishop of Burgos was president. Tapia landed a few weeks 
after the reduction of Mexico, at Vera Cruz, with the royal man- 
date to divest its conqueror of his power, and treat him as a 
criminal. 

But Fonseca had chosen a very improper person to wreak his 
vengeance on Cortes. Tapia had neither tfie reputation nor the 
talents, that suited the high command to which he had been ap- 
pointed. Cortes, \^hile he publicly expressed the highest vene- 
ration for the emperor's authority, secretly look measures to de- 
feat the effect of his commission : and having involved Tapia and 
his followers in a muhiplicity of conferences and negociatioos, 
sometimes making use of threats, but more frequently employing 
bribes and promises, he at length prevailed on that weak man to 
abandon a province he was unworthy of governing. But Cortes 
-was so sensible of the precarious tenure by which he held his pow- 
er, that he despati-hed deputies to Spain with a pompous account 
of the success of his arms, with further specimens of the produc- 



AMERICA. 1S5 

lions of the country, and with rich presents to the emperor, as 
the earnest of future contributions from his new conquest; re- 
questing as a recompense for all his services, the approbation of 
his proceedings, and that he might be entrusted with the govern- 
ment of those territories which his conduct, and the valour of his 
followers, had added to the crown of Castile. 

The account of Cortes's victories filled his countrymen with 
admiration. The public voice declared loudly in favour of his pre- 
tensions, and Charles adopted the sentiments of his subjects with 
a youthful ardour. He appointed hiui eaptain-general and gover- 
nor of New Spain. 

It was not, however, without difficulty that the Mexican em- 
pire could be entirely reduced into the form of a Spanish colony. 
Enraged and rendered desperate by oppression, the natives often 
forgot the superiority of their enemies ; and took up arms in de- 
fence of their liberties. In every contest, however, the European 
valour and discipline prevailed. But fatally for the honour of 
their country, the Spaniards sullied the glory redounding from 
their repeated victories, by their mode of treating the vanquished. 

In almost every province of the Mexican empire, the progress 
of the Spanish arms is marked with blood, and v/ith deeds so atro- 
cious, as disgrace the enterprising valour that conducted them to 
success. In the province of Panuco, sixty caziques, or chiefs, and 
four hundred nobles, were burnt at one time. Nor was this 
shocking barbarity committed in any sudden effect of rage, or by 
a commander of inferior note 5 it was the act of Sandoval, who 
was entitled to the second rank in the annals of New Spain, ex- 
ecuted after a solemn consultation with Cortes: and to complete 
the horror of the sceue, the children and relations of the victims 
were compelled to be spectators of their dying agonies. This 
dreadful example, of severity, v/as followed by another which af- 
fected the Mexicans still more sensibly. On a slight suspicion, 
confirmed by very inperfect evidence, Guatimozin was charged 
with attempting to throve off the joke, and to excite his formei' 
subjects to take up arms. Cortes, without the formality of a tri- 
al, ordered the unhappy monarch, together with the caziques of 
Tezcuco and racuba, two persons of the greatest eminence, next 
to the emperor, to be hanged ; and the Mexicans with astonish- 
ment beheld this ignominious punishment infiicted upon persons, 
whom they had been accustomed to look up to with a reve- 
rence, little iiiferior to that which they paid to the gods them- 
selves. 

When Charles V. advanced Cortes to the government of New 
Spain, he at the same time appointed commissioners to receive 
and administer the royal revenue thei e. These men were aston- 
ished, when arriving in Mexico, at the high authority which Cor- 
tes exercised, lu their letters, they represented Cortes as an ^m- 



1^6 HISTORY OF 

bitious tyrant, wliu, having usurped a jurisdiction sujicrior to la\f . 
aimed at independence. I'liese insinuations ma<le such deep iui 
pression on the mind oF the Spanisli ministers, that unmindi'ul o) 
he past services ol" Cortes, they infused the same suspicions into 
he mind ol Charles, and prevailed on him to order a solemn in- 
(juest to he made into his conduct, with powers to the licentiate, 
Ponce de Leon, entrusted with that commission, to seize his per 
{jon, if expedient, and send him prisoner to 8pain. 

The sudden death of Ponce de Leon, which happened soon at 
ter ids aj rival in New JSpain, prevented the execution of this 
comnnshion. Cortes beheld the approaching crisis of his fortune, 
xvitii all the violent emotions natural to a haughty mind, conscious 
of high desert, and receiving unworthy treatment. His old faith- 
ful followers, stung with resentment, advised him to seize that 
power, which the courtiers were so mean as to accuse him of cov- 
eting. 

Actuated by sentiments of loyalty, he rejected the dangerous 
advice, anil repaired directly to ISpain ; dioosing ratlier to com- 
mit himself and his cause to the justice of his sovereign, than sub- 
mit to be tried in a country, where he had the chief command, 
and by a set of interested and partial judges. 

In the year 1528, C'ortes ap[feared in his native country, with 
tlie splendour that suited the conqueror of a mighty kingdom. He 
brought with him a great part of his wealth, many jewels and or- 
jiaments of great value, and was attended by some Mexicans of 
the first rank, as well as by the njost considerable of his own offi- 
cers. His arrival in Spain, removed at once every suspicion. The 
emperor received hiui as a person entitled to high respect, for the 
eminence of his services. The order of St. Jago, tlie title of 
ISlarfjuis del Valle de Guaxaca, the grant of a vast territory in 
IVew Spain, were successively bestowed upon him; and he was 
admitted to the same familiar intercourse with the emperor, as 
noblemen of the first rank. But auiidst tbf".«e external juoofsof 
jegard, some syn)ploms of remaining distrust appeared. Al- 
though he earnestly solicited to be reinstated in the government 
of New Spain, Charles pereniptorily refused to grant his request. 
The military department, with pi)wer to atten»pt new discoveries, 
was left in his hands: with thisiliminished authority he returned 
to New Spain. Antonio de Alendoza was sent thither >>ith the 
title of viceroy. Cortes fitted out several small squadrons, and 
s^ent them into the South Sea to make discoveries, which eithet 
perished in the attempt, or returned unsuccessful. Cortes, wea- 
ry of entrusting his oj»erations to others, in the year 1536, took 
the command of a new armament, and after enduring incredible 
liaidships, he discovered the large peninsula of Calilornia, and 
surveyed the greater part of the gulph which separates it from 
New Spain. The discovery of a couutry of such extent, weulii 



AlVIKUICA. m 

have reflected credit on acommon adveniurcr, but could add lit- 
tle new honour to the name of Cortes. l)iH;r;usted with ill success, 
aod weary ofctintendinu; with adversaries, to whom he considered 
it a disgrace to he oj»j>osed, he once n»ore souj^ht for redrejjs in 
his native country. His (ate there ^asthe same with that of all 
the persons who had distinguished themselves in the <liscovery ol' 
the New World; envied Uy his contiMoptnaries, and ill rccjuited 
hy the court vvhicfi lie served, he ended his days on tlie second o(" 
December, 1547. in the sixty -second year ol" his age. 



e>. 



HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



J300K: iir. 



HAVING related in ii^y last book the splendid achievements 
of Cortes and lus followers, and the suhjupjation of the Mexican 
empire, it now remains to close the history of Sonth America 
"with the coiKjuest of" Peru. Tfie chief actors in this undertakin*; 
xvcre Francisco ri/.arro, Diego de Almagro, and Hernando de 
Luque. 

I'vA&vro was the natural son of a gentleman, hy an illicit amour 
with a woman of very low birth ; and as it fre({uenily happens to 
the offspring of unlawful love, he was neglected by the author of 
his birth, who was so unnatural as to set hnn. when arrivini^ at 
the years of manhood, to (eed his hogs. Young l*izarro could not 
long brook such an ignoble occupation. His aspitiog mind thirst- 
ed after military glory, and he enlisted as a soldie'r; and alter 
serving some years in Italy, embaikt d for America, where lie 
soon distin;:uished himself. With a couiage no less during, than 
thcccmstitution of his body was robust, he was (oin-ost in every 
danger, and endured the greatest hardships. 1 hough he was 
so illiterate that he could not read, he was considered as a man 
formed to command. Every expeditic-n connnitted to Ins con- 
duct, proved successful; he was as cautious in executinj;, as bold 
informing, his plans. Engaging early in active life, without any 
resourcebut his own talents and industry, and b^ depending upon 
himself to emerge from obscurity, he accjuired such a |ierfect 



IM HISTORY OF 

knowledge of* affairs, and of men, that he was qualified to con» 
duct the one, and govern the other. 

Almagro had as little to boast of his descent. The one was a 
bastard the other a foundling. Educated like his companion, in 
the camp, he was equally intrepid, of insurmountable constancy, 
in enduring those hardships which were inseparable from milita- 
ry service in the New World. But in Almagro these splendid 
iiccomplishments were joined to an openness, generosity, and can- 
dour, natural to men who profess the military art. In Pizarro 
they were united with the address, the craft, and the dissimula- 
tion of a politician ; he had the art to conceal, his own purposes, 
and sagacity to penetrate into those of other men. 

Hernando de Luque was an ecclesiastic, who acted both as 
priest and school -master at Panama, and who had amassed rich- 
es that inspired him with thoughts of rising to greater eminence. 
Such were the men who eventually overturned one of the most 
extensive empires recorded in history. 

Their confederacy was authorized by Pedrarias, the governor 
of Panama, and was confirmed by the most solemn act of religion » 
Luque celebrated mass, divided a consecrated host into three 
parts, of which each had his portion, and thus in the name of the 
Prince of Peace, ratified a contract, of which plunder and blood- 
shed were the objects. 

Pizarro set sail from Panama on the fourteenth of November, 
1524, with one single vessel, and an hundred and twenty men. 
Almagro was to conduct the supplies of provisions, and reinforce- 
ments of troops, and Luque was to remain at Panama to negoci- 
ate with the governor, and promote the general interest. Pizar- 
ro had chosen the most improper time of the whole year; the 
periodical winds at that time set in, and were directly adverse to 
the course he proposed to steer. After beating about for seventy 
days, his progress towards the southeast was no more than what 
a skillful navigator will make in as many hours. 

Pizarro, notwithstanding his suffering incredible hardships from 
famine, fatigue, and the hostility of the natives where he landed, 
but above all, the distempers incident to a moist sultry climate, 
which proved fatal to several of his men; yet his resolution re- 
mained undaunted, and he endeavoured by every persuasive- art, 
to reanimate their desponding hopes. At length he was obliged 
to abandon the inhospitable coast of Terra Firma, and retire to 
Chucama, opposite to the pearl islands, where he hoped to re- 
ceive a supply of provisions and troops from Panama. Almagro 
soon after followed him with seventy men, and landing them on 
the continent, where he had hoped to meet with his associate, was 
repulsed by the Indians; in which conflict he lost one of his eyes, 
by the wound of an arrow ; they likewise were compelled to re- 
embark, and chance directed them Xo the jilace of Pizarro's rsi* 



AMERICA. 129 

treat, where they found some consolation in recounting to each 
other their sufterings. Notwithstanding all they had suffered, 
they were inflexibly bent to pursue their original intention. Al- 
magro repaired to Panama, in hopes of recruiting their shattered 
troops; but his countrymen, discouraged at the recital of the 
sufferings he and Pizarro had sustained, were not to be persuaded 
to engage in such hard service. The most that he could muster 
was about fourscore men. Feeble as this reinforcement was, 
they did not hesitate about resuming their operations. 

After a long series of disasters, part of the armament reached 
the bay of St. Matthew on the coast of Quito, and landed atTa- 
camez to the south of the river of Emeralds, and beheld a coun- 
try more fertile than any they had yet discovered on the Southern 
Ocean ; the natives were clad in garments of woolen, or cotten 
stuff, and adorned with trinkets of gold and silver. Pizarro and 
Almagro, however, were unwilling to invade a country so popu- 
lous, with a handful of men enfeebled by diseases and fatigue. 

Almagro met with an unfavourable reception from Pedro de los 
Rios, who had succeeded Pedrarias in the government of Pana- 
ma. After weighing the matter with that cold economical pru- 
dence esteemed the tirst of all virtues, by persons of limited fa- 
culties, incapable of conceiving or executing great designs, he 
concluded the expedition detrimental to an infant colony ; pro- 
hibited the raising new levies, and despatched a vessel to bring 
home Pizarro and his companions from the island of Gallo. 

Almagro and Luque deeply affected with these measures, com- 
municated their sentiments privately to Pizarro, requesting him 
not to relinquish an enterprize on which all their hopes depend- 
ed, as the means of re-establishing their reputation and fortune. 
Pizarro's mind, inflexibly bent on all its pursuits, required no in- 
centive to persist in the scheme. He peremptorily refused to obey 
the governor of Panama's orders, and employed all his address 
and eloquence in persuading his men not to abandon him. But 
the thoughts of revisiting their families and friends, after so long 
an absence, and suftering such incredible hardships, rushed with 
such joy into their minds, that when Pizarro drew a line upon the 
sand with his sword, perniittingsuch as wished to return home to 
pass over it, only thirteen daring veterans remained with their 
commander. This small but determined band, whose names t}ie 
Spanish historians record with deserved praise, as the persons to 
whose persevering fortitude their country is indebted for the most 
valuable of all its American possessions, fi^ed their residence in 
the island of Gorgona, where they determined to Mait for sup- 
plies from Panama, which they trusted their associates there 
would eventually procure. 

Almagro and Luque were not inattentive or cold solicitors, 
and their incessant irnpartunity was seconded by the general 



130 HISTORY OF 

voice of the people, who exclaimed loudly against the infamy ol 
exposing brave men, engaged in the public service, charged with 
no error, but what flowed from an excessive zeal and courage. 
The governor overcome with entreaties and expostulations, at 
last consented to send a small vessel to their relief. But unwil- 
ling to encourage Pizarro in any new enterprize, he would not 
permit one land-man to embark*on board of it. 

Pizarro and his companions had remained at this time five 
months on an island in the most unhealthy climate in the region 
of America : during which period, they were buoyed up with 
hopes of succours from Panama; till worn out with fruitless ex- 
pectations, they in despair came to a resolution of committing 
themselves to the ocean on a float; but on the arrival of the ves- 
sel from Panama, they were transported with such joy, that all 
their sufferings were forgotten. Pizarro easily induced them to 
resume their former scheme with fresh ardour. Instead of re- 
turning to Panama, they stood towards the south-east, when on 
the twentieth day after their departure, they discovered the 
coast of Peru. 

They landed in 1526, atTumbez, a place of some note, distin- 
guished for its stately temple, and a palace of the Incas or sove- 
reigns of the country. There the Spaniards feasted their eyes 
with the first view of the opulence and civilization of the Peru- 
vian empire : a country fully peopled and cultivated with an ap- 
pearanceof regular industry; the natives decently clothed, in- 
genious, and so far surpassing the other natives of the New 
World, as to have the use of tame domestic animals. But their 
notice was most pleasingly attracted with the show of gold and 
silver which not only appeared as ornaments on their persons, 
and temples, but several of their vessels for common use were 
made of those precious metals. Pizarro and his companions 
seemed now to have attained the completion of their most san- 
guine hopes, and concluded all their wishes and dreams of inex- 
haustible treasures, would soon be realized. 

It was, however, impracticable for Pizarro, with such a slen- 
der force to make any progress in subjugating a country so popu- 
lous, and of which he hoped hereafter to take possession. He 
ranged, however, along the coast, maintaining a friendly inter- 
course with the natives, who were no less astonished at their 
new visitants, than the Spaniards were with the uniform ap- 
pearance of opulence and cultivation which they beheld. 

Having explored the country as far as was requisite to ascer- 
tain the importance of the discovery,- Pizarro procured from the 
inhabitants some of their Limas or tame cattle, to which the Spa- 
niards gave the name of sheep; some vessels of gold and silver, 
as well as some specimens of their other works of ingenuity, and 
two young men, whom he proposed to instruct in the Spanish laR 



AMERICx\. m 

guage, that they might serve as interpreters in the expedition 
which he meditated. W ith these he arrived at Panama. Yet 
neither the splendid relation which he and his associates gave of 
the incredible opulence of the country which he had discovered, 
nor the bitter complaints he made on account of the unseasonable 
recall of his forces, which had put it out of his power to make a 
settlement there, could move the governor to swerve from his 
former purpose. His coldness, however, did not in any degree 
abate the ardour of the three associates ; they therefore deter* 
mined to solicit their sovereign to grant that permission which 
was refused by his delegate. 

With this view, after adjusting among themselves that Pizar- 
ro should claim the station of governor, Almagro that of lieuten- 
ant governor, and Luque the dignity of bishop, in the country 
which they proposed to conquer, they sent Pizarro as their agent 
to Spain. 

Pizarro lost no time in repairing to court; he appeared before 
the emperor wilh the unem!)arrassed dignity of a man conscious 
of what his services merited; and he conducted his negociations 
with such dexterity and address, which could not have been ex- 
pected from his education or former habits of life. His descrip- 
tion of his own sufferings, and pompous account of the country 
which he had discovered, confirmed by the specimens he had 
brought, made such an impression on Charles, and his ministers, 
that they not only approved of the intended expedition, but seem- 
ed to be interested in the success of its leader. Presuming upon 
those favourable dispositions, Pizarro paid little attention to the 
interest of his associates. But as the pretentions of Luque did not 
interfere with his own, he obtained for him the ecclesiastical dig- 
nity to which he aspired. For Almagro he claimed only the 
command of a fortress, intended to be erected at Tumbez. To 
himself he secured whatever his boundless ambition could desire. 
He was appointed governor, captain-general, and Adelantadoof 
all the country which he had discovered, and hoped to conquer; 
with supreme authority, civil as well as military, and an absolute 
right to all the privileges arsd emoluments, usually granted toad- 
venturers in the New World. His jurisdiction was declared to 
extend two hundred leagues along the coast, south of the river 
St. Jago ; to be independent (^f the governor of Panama : and he 
had power to nominate all the officers who were to serve under 
him. 

In return for these concessions, Pizarro engaged to raise two 
hundred and fifty men, and to provide the ships, arms, and war- 
like stores, requisite towards subjecting to the crown of Castile, 
the country of which the government was allotted him. Pizarro's 
funds were so low, that he could not complete more than half the 
stipulated number : after he had received his patents from the 



iOiJ HISTORY OF 

crown, he was obliged to steal away privately, out of the port of 
Seville, in order to elude the scrutiny of the officers who had in 
charg;e, to examine whether he had fulfilled the stipulations of his 
contract: before his departure, however, Cortes, who had re- 
turned to Spain, about this time, advanced him a supply- of money, 
willing to contribute his aid towards enabling an ancient com- 
panion, with whose talents and courage he was m ell acquainted, 
to begin a career of glory, similar to that which he himself had 
finished. 

He landed at Nombre de Dios, in 15-29, and marched across 
the isthmus to Panama, accompanied by his three brothers, Fer- 
dinand, Juan, and Gonzalo. Of whom the first was born of 
lawful wedlock, the two others, like himself, were of illegiti- 
mate birth; and by Francisco his mother's brother. They were 
all in the prime of life, and of such abilities and courage, as fitted 
them to take a distinguished part in his subsequent transactions. 
Pizarro found Almasro so much exasperated at the manner in 
which he had conducted the nc2;ociation, that he not only refused 
to act any longer, in concert with a man, by whose perfidy he had 
been deprived of the honours and emoluments to which he had 
a just claim, but laboured to thwart alibis schemes, and rival him 
in his discoveries. 

Pizarro, however, had more wisdom and address than to suffer 
a rupture so fatal to all his schemes, to become irreparable. By 
offering; voluntarily to relinquish the office of Adelantado, and 
promising to concur in soliciting that title, with an independent 
government for Almagro, he gradually mitigated the rage of an 
open hearted soldier, which had been violent but not implacable.^ 
Luque, highly satisfied with having been successful in all his 
own pretentions, zealously seconded Pizarro's endeavours. A 
reconciliation was effected ; and the confederacy renewed on its 
original terms. 

Notwithstanding their re-union, their interest was barely suffi- 
cient to equip three small vessels : on board of these shipped 
only one hundred and eia;hty soldiers : thirty-six of whom were 
horsemen. Pizarro, with this contemptible force, set sail to in- 
vade a great empire. Almagro was left at Panama, as for- 
merly, to follow him with what reinforcements he could procure, 
Pizarro completed the voyage in thirteen days, but was carried 
by the winds and currents above a hundred leagues north of Tum- 
bez, the place of his destination, and was obliged to land his 
troops in the bay of St. Matthew. Without losing a moment, he 
began to advance towards the south, taking care, however, not to 
depart from the sea-shore, that he might effect a junction with 
the supplies expected from Panama. 

Pizarro in attackinp: the natives when he ought to obtain their 
confidence, subjected himself and hijs foilou^rs to many calami? 



AMERICA. 133 

ties; such as famine, fatigue, and diseases of various kinds, 
hardly inferior to those which they had endured in their former 
expedition. These disasters corresponded so ill with the alluring 
prospect of the country given by Pizarro, that many began to re- 
proach him, and every soldier must have become cold to the 
service, had they not met with some appearances of wealth, 
which seemed to justify the reports of their leader. At length 
they reached the province of Coaque, the fourteenth of April, 
153 1, and having surprized the principal settlement of the na- 
tives, they seized the vessels and ornaments of gold and silver^ 
valued at thirty thousand pesos, with other booty of such value, 
as dispelled all their doubts, and inspired the most desponding 
with sanguine hopes. 

Pizarro was so delighted with this rich spoil, which he con- 
sidered the first fruits of a land overflowing with treasure., thathe 
instantly despatched one of his ships to Panama, with a large re- 
mittance to Almagro ; and another to Nicaragua, with a consider 
able sum to certain persons of influence in that province, in hopes 
of alluring adventurers, by this early display of the wealth which 
he had acquired. Disdaining to employ any conciliatory means 
to bring over the natives to his interest, he continued his march, 
and attacked them with such violence in their scattered habita- 
tions, as compelled them to retire into the interior country, or 
to submit at discretion. 

This sudden appearance of strangers whose actions and man- 
ners were so different from their ov/n, and whose power appeared 
irresistible, made the same dreadful impression on these natives, 
as in the other parts of America. 

Pizarro met with little resistance, until he attacked the island 
of Puna, in the bay of Guayquil. The inhabitants of this island 
were numerous, less civilized and more fierce and warlike than 
those on the continent ; they defended themselves with such ob- 
stinate valour, that six months elapsed before Pizarro could re- 
duce them to subjection. 

From Puna he proceeded to Tumbez, where he remained three 
months to recruit his men, who were attacked by distempefs pe- 
culiar to the climate. While he lay here, two detachments ar 
rived from Nicaragua, which, though neither exceeded thirty 
men, he considered as a reinforcement of great consequence ; 
especially as they were commanded by Sebastian Benalcazar, 
and Hernando Soto, two oflicers of distinguished merit and repu- 
tation. From Tumbez he proceeded to the river Piura, and 
near the mouth of it, he established the first Spanish colony in 
Peru ; to which he gave the name of St. Michael. 

At the time v/hen the Spaniards invaded Peru, the dominions of 
its sovereigns extended in length from north to south above fifteen 
hundred miles, along the Pacific ocean ; its breadth from east to 

M 



;34 HISTORY OF 

west was considerably less, being bounded by the vast ridge of 
the Andes, stretching '^rom its one extremity to the other. Accord- 
ing to the traditions ot the natives of Peru, they were rude and 
uncivilized like the rest of the savages of America until JVIanco 
Capac and iVJama Ocoll(», appeared aiTi(>ngst thein, who declared 
themselves to be the children of thesun, sentby their beneficent 
parent, in pity, to instruct and reclaim them. These extraordi- 
nary persor)a.i*;es settled at Cuzco, and laid the foundati(>ns of a 
city. Manco Tapae instrueted the men in agriculture, and the 
useful arts. Mamy. Ocollo taught the women to spin and weave. 
After providing food and raiment and habitations for the rude 
people, of whom he took charge, Manco Capac introduced such 
laws and p(dicy, as might be most likely to perpetuate their hap- 
piness. The functions of those he placed in authority, were so 
defined, and the atlministration of justice maintained with so 
steady a hand, that die country over which he presided, assum- 
ed the aspect of a well governed state. 

Thus, according to tradition, was founded the empire of the Tn- 
cas, or Lords of Peru. They were not only obeyed as monarchs, 
but revered as divinities. Their blood was held to be sacred : 
intermarriages with the people were forbidden, and was never 
contaminated with any other race: their clothing was different; 
the monarch appeared with ensigns of royalty, reserved for him 
alone, and received from his subjects that homage and respect, 
which approached almost to adoration. 

In the year 1526, uuana Capac, the twelfth monarch from the 
founder cf the state, \*as ideated on the throne, eminent for his pa- 
cific virtues, as well as for his martial talents; he added the 
kingdouj ot Qui(o to his d(mdnio!»s, by which he nearly doubled the 
power of the Peruvian enipire: he married the dai'ghter of the 
vanquished monarch of Quito, by whom he had a son Atahualpa, 
whom he named at hi* death his successor, which happened about 
the year 1529, leavisig the rest of his kingdom to liuascar his 
eldest son, b) a mother of tt.e royal race. 

Notwithstanding the Peruvians revered the memory of a mon- 
arch, to whose wise atluiinisiration their country v^as so much in- 
debted ; yet, when they vsere informed of the order of successi(.u 
so repugnant to ancient usage, aiui deemed sacred amongst them, 
they manifested a dirposition unfavourable to his successor. Hu- 
ascar encouraged b} those sentiments of his subjects, required liis 
brother to renounce th; government of Quito, and to ackno\sle<lge 
him as his lawtul superior; but Atahualpa having previously 
gained a large bi;dy of troops which had accompanied his father 
to Quito ; these were the flower of the Peruvian warriors, and 
were accuslomed to victory ; relying on dieir support, Atahualpa 
iiist eluded his bro her's deoiand, and then marched against him 
iahybtiie arra). Thus, by tiieamijitiun of two young men, the 



AMERICA. 135 

kingdom of Peru was involved in a civil war. The force of arms 
triumphed over th.. authority of the laws, atid Atahualpa remain- 
ed victorious, and made a cruel use of his victory. He put to 
death all the children of the sun, descended from Manco Capac, 
whom he could seize, either h/force or stratayjcm. His brother 
Huascar, from political if otixcs, v. as S{;ated for some time, and 
detained a prisoner, that hy issuing orders in his name the usurp- 
er J.ii^h( more easily establish his own authority. 
. Wlien Vimrio landed in thir h>y of St. Michael, this civil war 
raged with s'l^^h fury between the two brothers, that althou2,'li 
they received early accounts of the invasion of their country, and 
the violent proceedings of the Spaniards, they were so intent upon 
a war, which to them appeare«J more interesting, tiir.t they paid 
no attention to the motives of an enemy, whose number was loo 
small to excite 'dr.y iiceat alarm : and to whuv:e career they could 
easily pus a check. v\hen more at leisure. 

The first informaiion Pizarro received respectir.": the war, was 
from Huiiscdr hii><?>eif. who sent messengers to P'Z.irro to solicit 
his aid against Atahualpa, uhoin he represented as an usurper 
and a rebel. Piz.ii ro discovei ed at once t!».e importance of tais 
intelliii;ence : aud v>'ithout waiti; a f>r tr.e reinforce (leni which he 
expected t'vom Panama, vvith p-ut of i.is troops boldly pushed 
forwaid, !■ avir!;i; a sm-il! garri>on in S*" i^/Iichaei. 

He directed iiis course lovvards va^ama'cn. a small tovv-n at 
the di-tance of twelve davs, uiareb froir* St. Michael, where Aia- 
hualpd was enca.m[)ed with a ctinsiderable body of troops. Be- 
fore he had proceeded f;ir, an 'officer from the Inca n^et hi;n, witli 
a valuc^ble present, and an (Her of his alliance, toi^c thcr v/ith an 
assurance of u friendly reception at Caxamalca. 

Pizarri), wit;> the usual arfiiiceof his courjtryme.n in x\merica, 
pretended he was the ambassador of a vry powerful monarch ; 
that he was couiiit*^ to assist hirn aj:!:ainst th«ise esieoties who dis- 
puted his title to the throne. The Peru'.i:nis hod foroicd various 
conjectures concerning; the Spaniards; It v. c^sdlto^-ether incompre- 
hensible to them what had induced them to enter their country; 
sometimes ii\Q.y were dssposed to consider them as beirip:s of a su- 
perior nature, vvhtf^had visited theui from a benelicerit motive ; 
thv.ir continual professions of good will strenij;theaed this conjec- 
ture, and Pi-.'-^rro's declaration of his pacific intention, so gained 
upon the cred.ulity of the Inca, that he deternnned toe,ive him a 
tVtendly reception. He therefore allowed the Spakiiards to march 
in tranquility across the sandy desert between irt. Michael and 
Motupi, where the most feeble etl'ort of an enemy, added to the 
unavoidable distresses which they suffered in j)assing throuij;h that 
comfortless region, must have proved fatal to them. From tiiencc 
they advanced to the mountains, and passed thn»ngh a narrow de- 
file so inaccessible, that a few men might have defended it against 
the whole power of Spain, in that part of the globe. 



136 HISTORY OF 

The Spaniards were suffered to take possession of a fort, erect- 
ed for the security of that important station. As they drew near 
to Caxamalca, Atalnialpa renewed his professions of friendship ; 
and as a further proof of his sincerity, sent them presents of 
much greater value than the former. 

The Spaniards on entering Caxamalca, took possession of a 
large space of ground, on one side of which was a palace of the 
Inca, and on the other a temple of the sun : the whole surrounded 
•with a stronjT rampart of earth. The troops being thus safely 
disposed, Pizarro despatched Hernando Soto and his brother Fer- 
dinand, to the camp of Atahualpa, which was about a league dis- 
tant from the town. They were instructed to confirm the decla- 
ration he had before made, of his pacific disposition, and to re- 
quest an interview with the Inca. They were treated with that 
respectful hospitality usual among the Peruvians, and obtained a 
promise from the Inca to visit the Spanish commander next day 
in his quarters. The deputies were astonished at the order 
which prevailed in the court of the Peruvian monarch ; but their 
attention was more particularly attracted by the vast profusion of 
wealth whidi they observed in the Inca's camp. The rich orna- 
ments worn by him and his attendants, the vessels of gold and sil- 
ver, in which the repast offered to them was served up, and the 
utensils of every kind, formed of those precious metals used in 
common amongst them, opened prospects far exceedins; any idea 
of opulence that a European of the sixteenih century could form. 

On their return to Caxamalca, while their minds were yet 
warm with admiration and desire of the w ealth which they had 
Ijcheld, they gave such a description of it to their countrymen, as 
confirmed Pizarro in a resolution he had already taken. He re- 
membered the advantages Cortes had gained by seizing Monte- 
zuma; and was fVom the same motives desirous of getting the 
Inca in his power. His plan was as daring as it was perfidious. 

He determined to avail himself of the unsuspicious simplicity 
with which Atahualpa relied on his professions, and to seize his 
person during the interview to whicli he had invited him. He 
formed his plan with deliberation, and with as little compunction 
as if it was perfectly allowable by principles of justice and hon- 
our. He divided his cavalry into three small squadrons, under 
the command of his brother Ferdinand, Soto, and Benalcazar ; 
his infantry was formed in one body, except twenty of tried cour- 
age, whom he kept near his own person, to support him in the 
dangerous service which he reserved for himself; the artillery, 
consistingof two field-pieces, and the cross bow-men were placed 
opposite to the avenue, by which Atahualpa was to approach. All 
were commanded to keep within the square, and not to move 
ivntil the signal for action was given. 

Early in the morning, the Peruvian camp was all in motipti. 



AMERICA. isr 

Atahualpa solicitous io appear with the greatest splendour and 
magnifieence,in his first interview with the stran2;ers, took up so 
much time in his preparations, that the day was far advanced be 
fore he began his march, and moved so slowly, that the Spaniards 
were apprehensive their intention was suspected. To remove 
this, Pizarro despatched one of his officers with fresh assurance 
of his friendly disposition. 

The fnca at lengtli approached, preceeded by four hundred 
men in an uniform dress, as harbingers, to clear the way be- 
fore him. He, himself, sitting on a throne, adorned with plumes 
of various colours, and almost covered with plates of gold and 
silver eniici^ed with precious stones, and was carried oil the 
shoulders of his principal attendants. Behind him came some 
chief officers of his court, carrie<l in the same manner, attended 
by several bands of musicians, and the whole plain was covered 
with troops amounting to more than thirty thousand men. As the 
Inca drew near the Spanish quarters, father A'incent V'alverdi, 
ehaplain to the expedition, advanced with a crucifix in one hand, 
and a breviary in the other, and in a long discourse, attempted to 
explain to him the fall of Adam, the incarnation, sufferings, 
death, and resurrection, of Jesus Christ, the appointment of St, 
Peter as God's vicegerent on earth, the transmission of his apos- 
tolic power by succession to the popes, and the donation made by 
pope Alexander to the king of Casiile of all the^regions in tha 
New WorKl. 

In consequence of all this, he required Atahualpa to embrace 
the Christian faith, and acknowledge the pope as supreme head 
of the church, and the king of Castile as his lawful sovereign > 
promising that if he instantly complied, the Castilian monarcl: 
would take him under his protection, and permit him to continue 
in the exercise of his royal authority; but if he should impiously 
refuse to obey his summons, he denounced v.ar against himin his 
master's name, and threatened him with the most dreudful effects 
of his vengeance. 

This strange harangue upon abstrucc subjects, and unknown 
facts, it was impossible at once to make an untutored Indian un- 
derstand. It was altogether incomprehensible to the Inca. Those 
parts of more obvious meaning, filled him with astonishment and 
indignation. His reply, notwithstanding, was temperate. He ob- 
served, that he was lord over the dominions he governed, by he 
reditary right; that he could not conceive how a foreign priest 
should pretend to dispose of territories which did not belong to 
}»im ; thai if such a preposterous grant had been made, he, as 
rightful possessor, refused to confirm it ; and that he had no in- 
clination to renounce the religious faith of his ancestors, nor would 
he forsake the service of the sun, the inimortai divinity, whom 
he and his people revered, in order to wor&htp the god of the S^j?^ 

M^2 



138 HISTORY OF 

niards, who was snhject to death ; that as to the other parts of 
the discourse, as he could not understand their meaning, he wish- 
ed to know where he had learned thinijs so extraordinary, " In 
this book," answered Valverdi, reaching out to him liis breviary. 
The Inca opened it ea?;erly, and turninij; over the leaves, lifted 
it to his ear: "This,-' says he " is silent : it tells me nothing," 
and threw it with disdain to the £»;round. The monk, enraged at 
this action, ran towards his coutitrymen, and cried out, '* Chris- 
tians ! to arms ! to arms ! the word of God is insulted, avenge 
this profanation on those impious dogs !" 

Pizarro gave the signal of assault : in^tant^y the martial mu- 
sic struck up, the cannon and muskets began to fire, they sallied 
out fiercely to the charc:e, and the infantry rushed on sword in 
hand. The astonished Peruvians dismayed at the suddenness of 
the attack, so altogether unexpected, and the iiTesistlble inipres- 
sion of the cavalry, and the fire-arms, fled with universal con- 
sternation in every quarter, without attemptins; any defence. Pi- 
zarro at the head of his chosen band advanced directly towards 
the Inca ; and notwithstanding his nobles vied with eacli other in 
sacrificing their own lives to cover the sacred person of their sove- 
reign, the Spaniards soon penetrated to the royal seat ; and Pi- 
zarro, having seized the Inca by the arm, dragged him to the 
ground, and carried him as a prisoner to his quarters. 

The Spaniards, elated with success, pursued the fugitive Peru- 
vians in every direction, and with unrelenting barbarity continued 
the slaughter, until the close of the day, without meeting with 
hny resistance. J^bout four thousand Peruvians were killed, not 
one Spaniard fell, and Pizarro was the only one that \vas hurt, 
having recei\ed a sligl.t wound from one of his own soldiers, 
Avhile strug52;ling eagerly to lay hold of the Inca. The plunder 
of the ficUrwas rich beyond any idea which the Spaniards had 
formed concerning the wealth of Peiu. 

Transported with their success, and the value of their plunder, 
they passed the night in mirth and rejoicings, as miglit have beeit 
expected from sueh needy adventurers, upon such a suddeit' 
change of fortune : their exultation was extravagant, and without 
any remorse for having slain so many innocent people, without 
any just cause or provocation. 

At first the Inca could hardly believe a calamity so unexpected 
to be real. But \\c soon felt all the misery of his fate : his dejec- 
tion was equal in pr(»portion to the grandeur from which he had 
fallen. Pizarro fearing he should lose the great advantages he 
Iiad promised himself, by having hitii in his possession, endea- 
voured to console him, with professions of kindness and respect, 
that did not in the least correspond with his actions. By residing 
among the Spaniards, Atahualpa soon discovered their ru-Jing 
passion which they were in uowise careful to conceal: and by 



AMERICA. 139 

applying to that mactc an attempt to recover ills liberty. The 
offer he made for his ransom astonished the Spaniards. The 
appartinent in which he was confined, was twenty-two feet in 
length, and sixteen in breadth ; this he undertook to fill with ves- 
sels of j^old, as high as he could reach. Pizurro closed eagerly 
with this tenjpting proposal, and a line was drawn upon the walls 
ef the chamber, to mark the stipulated height, to which the trea- 
sure was to rise. 

Pleased with havinof a prospect of liberty, the Inca took mea- 
sures insiantly for fulfiiline; his part of the agreement, by sending 
messengers io Cu7xo, Quito, and other places, where gold had 
been amassed, witli orders to bring what was necessary for ob- 
taining h.is ransom, immediately to Caxamalca. The Peruvians, 
accustomed to respect every mandate of their sovereign, with the 
greatest alacrity executed his orders. Deceived with the hopes, 
of regaining: his liberty by this means, and afraid of endangering; 
his life, by forming any other sc-heme for his relief, and thougli 
the force of the empire was entire, no preparations were made, 
and no army assembled, to avenge their own wrongs, or those of 
their monarch. 

The Spaniards remained at Caxamalca unmolested. Small de- 
tachments marched into tlie remote provinces of the empire, and 
instead of meeting with any opposition, were received with dis- 
iinguished marks of respect. 

About the month of December, 1552, Almagro landed at St. 
Michael with such a reinforcement as was nearly double in num- 
ber to the forces with Pizarro. The arrival of this long expected 
succour, was not more agreeable to the Spaniards, than alarimng 
to the Inca. lie saw the power of his enemies increase; and ig- 
norant of the source from whence they derived their suj;plies, or 
the means by which they were conveyed to Peru, he could not 
foresee to what a height the inundation that poured in upon his 
dominions might arise. 

AVhile his mind was agitated by these reflections, he learned 
that some of the Spaniards, in their way toCuzco, had visited his- 
brother Huascar, in the place where he kept him confined, and 
that the captive prince iiad represented to them the justice of Wis 
cause, and that if they would espouse it, he had promised them 
a quantity of treasure, vastly exceeding what he was to give for 
his ransom. He clearly perceived his own destruction to be in- 
evitable, if the Spaniards should listen to this proposal; and as 
he well knew their insatialde thirst for gold, he had not the least 
doubt but that they would close in with the proposal. 

To prevent w hich, and to save his own life, he gave orders that 
lluascar should be put to death; which was obeyed like all his 
^ther commands, with scrupulous punctuality.' The Indians, 
meanwhile, daily arrived from diSerent parts of the kingdojn^ 



i40 HISTORY OF 

loaded with treasure. A great part was now amassed of what 
had been agreed upon, and Atahualpa assured the Spaniards, 
that the only reason why the whole was not brought in, was the 
remoteness of the provinces where it was deposited. 

But such vast piles of gold, presented continually to the view of 
needy soldiers, had so inflamed their avarice, that it was impos- 
sible any longer to restrain their impatience to obtain possession 
of this rich booty. The whole, except some vessels of curious 
workmanship, reserved as a piesent for'the emperor, was melted 
down, and after deducting a fifth for the emperor, there remained 
one million five hundred and twenty-eight thousand and five hun- 
dred pesos, to Pizarroand his followers, besides a hundred thou- 
sand pesos as a donative to Almagro, and his soldiers. The fes- 
tival of St. James, the patron saint of Spain, was the day chosen 
for the division of this !arj;e sum; it began with a solemn invo- 
cation with the name of God, and with ridiculous grimace, pre- 
tended (^for they could not be in earnest) they expected the gui- 
dance ot heaven, in distributing those wages of iniquity. Eight 
thousand pesos, equal to as many pounds sterling in the present 
century, fell to the share of each horseman, and half that sum to 
each foot-soldier. Pizarro and his officers received dividends in 
proportion to their rank. 

There is no record in history, of a sum so great ever being di- 
vided among so small a number of soldiers. Many of them hav- 
ing thus unexpectedly acquired, what they deemed a competency, 
were so impatient to retire, and spend the remainder of their days 
in their native country, that they demanded with clamorous im- 
portunity jtheir discharge. Pizarro, sensible that from such men 
he could expect neither enterpri/e in action, nor fortitude in suf- 
lering, persuaded at the same time that wherever they went, the 
display of their wealth, would allure other adventurers, granted 
their suit without reluctance, and permitted above sixty of them 
to accompany his brother Ferdinand, whom he sent to Spain with 
an account of his success, and the present destined for the cm 
peror. 

The treasure being now divided among the Spaniards, the Inca 
demanded his liberty agreeably to their promise. Piz^rro, in- 
stead of fulfilling this, had secretly determined to take away his- 
life. Though he had seized the Inca, in imitation of Cortes's con- 
duct towards the Mexican monarch, he was destitute of the ta- 
lents for carrying on the same artful policy, by which h» might 
have derived still greater advantages, from being master of his 
person. Atahualpa is allowed by the Spanish historians to be a 
prince of greater abilities than Montezuma, and penetrated more 
thoroughly into the character and intentions of the Spaniards. 
Mutual suspicion and distrust soon took place between them. Al- 
Hiagro and his followers, from selfish motives, demanded his life 5 



♦ .^MKRICA. 141 

but the unhappy prince inadvertently contributed to hasten his 
own fate; during his confinement, he had attached liimself witli 
peculiar affection to Ferdinand Pizarro, and Hernando Soto, 
who had behaved with more decency and attention to the captive 
monarch, than the other officers. Soothed with such respect 
from persons of high rank, he delii^hted in their society. But 
in the presence of Pizarro he was overawed and uneasy; this 
soon became mingled with contempt. 

He considered that among all the European arts, that of read- 
in?; and writing the most to be admired. He long deliberated witli 
himself, whether he should consider it as a natural or an acquired 
talent. In order to determine this, he desired oneof the soldiers 
who guarded him, to write the name of God on the nail of his 
thumb. This he shewed to several Spaniards, asking its mean- 
ing; and to his amazement they all returned the same answer. 
At length Pizarro entered ; and on presenting it to him, he blush- 
ed, and with some confusion was obliged to acknowledge his igno- 
rance. From that moment Atahualpa considered him as a mean 
person, less instructed than his own soldiers ; and he had not ad- 
dress enough to conceal the sentiments with which this discovery 
inspired him. To he the object of a barbarian's scorn, so morti- 
fied the pride of Pizarro, and excited such resentment in his 
breast, as added force to all the other considerations which 
prompted him to put the Inca to death. 

But that he might not be alone responsible for the commission 
of so violent and unjust an action, he resolved to try him with all 
the formalities observed in the criminal courts in Spain. Pizarro 
himself, and Almagro, with tv/o assistants, were appointed jud- 
ges, with full power to acquit or to condemn ; an attorney-general 
was named to carry on the prosecution in the king's name; coun- 
sellors were chosen to assist the prisoner in his defence; and 
clerks were appointed to record the proceedings of the court. 
'I Before this mock, tribunal a charge was exhibited altogether so 
absurd, that the effrontery of Pizarro in making it the ground of 
a serious procedure is as surprising as his injustice in depriving 
the monarch of a great empire of his liberty, and then bring him 
to trial (or exercising his sovereignty, agreeably to the known 
customs and laws established before the Spaniards ever came 
amongst them; and over whom they had no jurisdiction. 

To judges predetermined in their opinion, the accusations ap- 
peared sufficient. They pronounced Ataiiualpa guilty, and con- 
demned him to be burned alive. Friar Valverdi prostituted the 
authority of his sacred function to confirm this sentence, and by 
his siu;nature warranted it to be just. 

Astonished at his fate, Afahualpa endeavoured to avert it by 

his tears, by promises and by entreaties, that he might be sent to 

■ Spain, where a monarch would be the arbiter of his fate. The 



142 HISTORY OF* 

unfeelina heart of Pizarro was never softened by pity. He or- 
dered him to be led inslantly to execution; and what added to 
ihe bitterness of his last moments, the same moitk who had just 
ratified his doom, offered to console, and attempted to convert 
hiiii ; and promised to obtain a mitigation of his punishment, if he 
would embrace the christian faith. The dread of a cruel death 
extorted from the tremblinj^ victim a desire of receiving basitism. 
The ceremony was performed; and Atahualpa. instead of being 
burned, was strangled at the stake. But it remains on record for 
the credit of the Spanish nation, that even among the pr('fli«;ate 
adventurers uhich were seni to con({uer and desolate the New 
World, there were persons who retained some of the Castilian 
generosity and honour. 

Though Ferdinand Pizarro and Soto were sent oif on separate 
com?nands before the trial of the Inca. there were olhers who op- 
posed this odious transaction. Several officers, and amongst 
those some of ihe greatest repotaion, and most respeetaole fame 
in the service, nof onlv remonstrated, but prot^>sted a^ai-nst this 
measure of their general, as disgraceful to iheir countrv. as re- 
pugnant to every maxim of equity, as a violation of public faith, 
and an usurpation of juris-diction over an independent monarch, 
to which they had no title. But their endeavours were vain ; the 
greater number, such as held every thing to be lawful that was 
advantageous, prevailed. History, however, records Ihe unsuc- 
cessful exertions of virtue with applause, and the iSpanish writers 
have not failed to preserve the i;ames cf those vv.ho niade the 
laudable eft'oit to save their country from the infa.r.y ot having 
perpetrated such a crime. 

After the execution of Atahualpa, Pizarro invested one of his 
sons with the ensigns of royalty, e.^ectin2; that a young man 
without experience would prove a more passive instrument in his 
hands than an ambitious monarch, who had been accustomed to 
independent command. The people of Cuzco, and the adjacent 
country acknovvleilged Monco Capac, a brother of Huascar, as 
Inca ; but the authority of the Incas was dissolved by the violent 
convulsions into which the empire had been thrown : first by the 
civil wars between the two brothers, and then by the iiivtision of 
the Spaniards. They had seen the monarch suffer an ignomi- 
nious death by the hands of stranners; many of the descendants 
of the sun had been cut off* by Atahulpa: their influence in the 
state was lost, and the accustomed respect to that sacred race 
sensibly diminished. 

The general who commanded for Atahualpa in Quito, seized 
the brother and children of his master, and put them to a cruel 
death, and endeavoured to establish a separate kingdom for 
himself. 

Pizarro no longer hesitated to advance to Cuzco; he had re- 



AMERICA. 143 

ceived considerable reinforcements: the account of the wealth 
acquired at Caxamaica, operated as he had foreseen No sooner 
did his brother Ferdinand arrive at Panama, and dis{)lay their 
riches to their astonished countrymen, than f^tme spread the ac- 
count with such exaggeration, throus;h ail ihe Spanish settlements 
on the Souih ►Sea, th.t the jiovernors of Guatimala. Panama, and 
Nicaragua, could hardly restrain the people from abandoning 
their possessions, and crowdini; to that inexhaustible source of 
wealth, which seemed to be opened in Peru. 

In spite of every cheek, such numbers resorted thither, that 
Pizarro began his march at rhe head of fivt; hun«lred men, af- 
ter leaving a considerable garrison at St. Michael, under the 
command of Benalcazar. The Peruvians had assea\hled some 
large bodies of troops to oppose his progress; several fierce en- 
counters happened. But ihey ter^tdnated like ail the actions in 
America, a fetv Spaniards were killed or wounded, and the na- 
tives put to flight, with incredible slaug-hter. Pizarro at length 
forced his way into Cuzco, and quietly seated himself in that 
capital. 

The riches found there exceeded in value, v\hat had been re- 
ceived as Atahualpa's ransom. 

In their march to Cuzco, the son of Atahualpa, whom Pizarro 
had invested with the ensigns of royalty, dierl: and as the Spa- 
niards neglected to appoint another in his place, Manco Capae 
seems to have been universally recognize I. Benalcazar, who 
had been left governor of St. Michael, an able and enterprising 
officer, was ashamed to be idle while his brethren were in arms, 
and in actim : and impatient to have his name distinguished 
amonr:^the co!(i|;ierors of the New World, set out to attempt the 
reduction of Quito, leaving a sufficient force to protect the infmt 
settlement intrusted to his care, which was augmented by fresh 
recruits froio Panama and Nicaragua. 

At Quito he was informed by some of the natives, that Atahu- 
alpa had left the greatest part of his treasures. After marching 
through a mountainous rountry, covered with woods, and thougti 
often atta-.ked by the best troops in Peru, condu{*ted oy a skdful 
leader, the valour and good conduct of Benalcazar surmounted 
every or)stacle, and he entered Quito with his victorious troops. 
But here ir.ey met with a cruel disappointment. Tlie natives 
were now iic(iuainted with the predominant j'assion of their in- 
vaders, anu had carried off all those treasures, the prospect 
of which had prompted them to undertake this arduous expe- 
dition. 

By this time. Ferdinand Pizarro had landed in Spain. The 
immense quantiUes of goid and silver winch he carried with him, 
obtained him a gracious reception. In recompense of his bro- 
ther's servicesj his authority was confirmed with new powers and 



H4 HISTORY OF 

privileges, and the addition of seventy leagues along the coast., 
added to his former 2;rant. Almagro received the honours he 
had so ardently desired. The title of Adelantado, or governor, 
was confeired upon him, with jurisdiction over two hundred 
leagues of country, stretching beyond the southern limits of the 
province allotted to Pizarro. Ferdinand was adndlted into the 
military order of St. Jago, a distinction always acceptable to a 
{Spanish gentleman; he soon after set out on his return to Peru, 
accompanied by many persons of higher rank than had yet served 
in that country. Some account of his negociations had reached 
Peru before he had arrived. 

Almagro being informed that he had obtained the royal patent 
for an independent government, pretended that Cuzeo, the impe- 
rial residence of the Incas, lay within its boundaries, attempted 
to niake himself master of that important station. Juan and Gon- 
zalez Pizarro, prepared to oppose him. Each of the contending 
parties, were suppuited by powerful adherents, and the dispute 
vas on the p<urit of being terminated by the sword, when Francis 
Pizarro arrived in the capital. Their reconciliation had never 
been since; e. Pizarro's treachery in engrossing all the honours 
and eaioUunents which, according to agreemeM, were to have 
been shared equally amongst them, was always present in both 
their thoughts. 

Pizarro, conscious of his own perfidy, expected no forgiveness ; 
and Almagro was impatient to be revenged. But, notwithstand- 
ing these incentives to hostilities, each was so well acquainted 
widi tiie courage and abilities of his rival, that they dreaded the 
consequence.^ of an open rupture. That evil was averted for the 
present, by the address and firmness of Pizarro; a new reconci- 
liation took place ; the most prominent article in this treaty was, 
that Almagro should attempt the conquest of Chili: and if that 
vas not adequate to his merit, Pizarro engaged to indemnify him 
out of his Peruvian possessions. This agreement was confirmed 
with the same sacred solemnities as at their first contract, and 
observed with no better fidelity. 

Pizarro, after he had concluded this important transaction, 
inarched back to the countries on the sea coast, and applied him- 
self w Jth that persevering ardour, for which he was so eminently 
distini,uished, to introduce a regular form of government. His 
natural sagacity supplied the want of science and experience. He 
divided the country into various districts, atjd appointed magis- 
trates to preside in each. He considered himself as laying the 
foundation of a great empire; he deliberated v\ith much solici- 
tude, in what place he should fix the seat'of government. Cuz- 
co was situated in a corner of the empire, about four hundred 
miles from the sea, and at a greater distance from Quito. 

la marching through the country, he had been btruck with the 



AMERICA. 145 

beauty and fertility of the valley of Rimac, one of the most fertile 
and l/esf cultivated in Peru. There, on the banks of a small river 
of the same name, about six miles from Callao, the most com- 
modious harbour in the Pacific Ocean, he founded the city known 
at this time by the name of Lima. Under his inspection, it ad- 
vanced with such rapidity, that, in the year 1535, it soon assum- 
ed the form of a city, which, by a maji^nificent palace he built for 
himself, and the stately houses erected by several of his offi- 
cers, gave, even in its infancy, some indication of its subsequent 
grandeur. 

Almagro, in consequence of his agreement with Pizarro, began 
his march towards Chili ; and as he was admired by his soldiers 
for a boundless liberality and fearless courage, his standard was 
followed by live hundred and seventy men; the greatest body of 
Europeans that had hitherto been assembled in Peru. Impatient 
to finish the expedition, instead of advancing along the level 
country, Almagro chose to march across the mountains, by a 
shorter routfe, but almost impracticable. 

By calamities they suftered from fatigue, famine, and the in- 
clemency of the climate, many of them perished ; and when they 
descended into the fertile plains of Chili, they found there a 
race of men nearly resembling the warlike tribes in North 
America. 

Though filled with wonder at the first appearance of the Spa- 
niards, and astonished at the operations of their cavalry and fire 
arms, the Chilese soon recovered from their surprize, and de- 
fended themselves with obstinacy: and attacked their new ene- 
mies with more determined fierceness and courage, than any 
American nation had hitherto discovered. 

The Spaniards, notwithstanding this formidable opposition, 
continued to penetrate into the country, and collected some con- 
siderable quantities of gold; but so far were they from thinking 
to form any settlement among such powerful neighbours, that in 
spite of the experience and valour of their leader, the final issue 
of the expedition remained extremely dubious." while they were 
in this painful suspense, a messenger arrived, who informed Al- 
magro of a revolution that had unexpectedly taken place in Peru ; 
the causes of which, as they make a necessary part of the History 
of America, it is expedient to trace to their source. 

So many adventurers had flocked to Peru, in the year 15S5, 
from every Spanish colony in America, and all with such hiajh 
expectations of accumulating independent fortunes at once, Pi- 
zarro thought it unsafe for them to be inactive; he therefore en- 
couraged some of the principal officers, who had lately joined 
him, to invade different provinces of the empire, which the Spa- 
niards had not hitherto visited. Several large bodies were form- 
ed for this purpose, and about the time that Almagro set out for 

N 



14u HISTORY OF 

Chili, they marched into remote districts of the country. Manco 
Capac, t)te Iiica, observing the imprudence of tlie Spaniards in 
tlius dividing their forces, and leavino; only a small number for 
the defence of Cuzco, under Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro. resolved 
to avail himself of the advantage their weakness gave him. 

Though stiictly watched by the Spaniards, he found means to 
communicate his scheme to the persons whom he had appointed 
to carry it into execution. After some unsuccessful attempts of 
the Inca to make his escape, Ferdinand Pizarro happened at that 
time to arrive in Cuzco. He obtained permission of him to at- 
tend a great festival which was to be celebrated a few leagues 
from the capital. Under pretext of that solemnity, the chiefs of 
the empire were assembled. No sooner luul the Inea joined them, 
than the standard of war was erected, and in a short time all the 
lighting men from Quito to Chili were in arms. Many Spaniards, 
living securely on the settlements allotted to them, were mas- 
sacred. Several small detachments, as they marc[ied carelessly 
through the country, were entirely cut olV. ' 

An army, amounting (according to tlie Spanish historians) to 
two hundred thousand men, attacked Cuzco, which the three 
brothers attempted to defend, ^^ith only one hundred and seventy 
Spaniards. Another numerous body invested Lima, and kept the 
governor close shut up. The communication between the t\^o 
cities was cutoff; the very great forces of the Peruvians spread- 
ing over the country, interrupted every messenger: which kept 
the two parties in Cuzco and J^iraa ignorant of the fate of each 
other. 

At Cuzco, where the Inca commanded in person, they made 
their greatest effort. During nine months they carried on the 
siege with incessant ardour, and in various forms: and thoujih 
they displayed not the undaunted ferocity of the Mexican war- 
riors, they/conducted their operations with sajracity. They en- 
deavoured to imitate the Spaniards in their discipline, and use 
of their arms, which they had taken from those they had slain. 
Their bravest warriors were armed with spears, Swords, and 
bucklers: some appeared in the field with Spanish muskets, and 
had acquired skill and resolution enon»ih to use them. The Inca, 
and a few of the boldest were mounted on horses, like Spanish ca- 
valiers, with their hii.ce?. In spite of their valour, heightened by 
despair, wiih which the three brothers defended Cuzco, Manco Ca- 
pac recovered possession of one half of his capital ; aiTd before tlie 
Spaniards could drive him out of it, they lo>t Juan Pizarro, the 
best belovetl of all the brothers, together with some jiersons of 
note. Exhausted by fatigue, distressed with want of provisions, 
and despairing any longer of being able to resist an eneuiy, 
^Nhose numbers daily increased, the soldiers became imputient to 
abaiiuuii Cuzco, in hopes of joining their countrymen, if aoy sur- 



AMEUICA. 14 

viveu, or of tbrcing their way to the sea, and finding soiue means 
of escaping from a country which had been so fatal to the Spanish 
na!ne. 

At this critical moment, Almagro appeared suddenly in the 
neighourhood of Cuzco. By the same messenger who brought 
hiju the intellijrence of the Inca*s revolt, he received the royal pa- 
tent creating hitn governor of Chili, and defining tiie limits of his 
jurisdiction. Upon considering the tenor of it, he concluded it 
was manifest beytmd contradiction, that Cu/xo lay within the 
boundaries of his jurisdiction. He was therefore equally desirous 
to prevent the Peruvians from recoverinj^ possession of their ca- 
pital, and wrest it out of the hands of the Piza'-ros. 

Almagro, unacquainted with events which had happened in his 
absence, and solicitous of gaining every intelligence necessary, ad- 
vanced slowly towards the capital, and with great cirv:umspection, 
various negotiations with both parties were set on foot. The In- 
ca at first endeavoured to gain the friendship of Almagro, but des- 
pairing of any cordial union with a Spaniard, after many fruitless 
attempts to accomplish it, he attacked him by surprise with a nu- 
merous body of chosen troops. These were repulsed with great 
slaughter, and a great part of their army dispersed, and Almagro 
marched to the gates of Cuzco without interruption. The Pi- 
zarros had rendered themselves odious by their harsh domineer- 
ing manners, while the generous, open, aftable temper of Alma- 
gro gained him many adhei-ents of the Pizarros. 

fincouraged by this defection^ he advanced towards the city by 
night, surprised the sentinels, or was admitted by them, and im- 
mediately invested the house where the two brothers resided, and 
compelled them, after an obstinate resistance, to surrender at dis- 
cretmn. Almaajro's claim of juilsdictior. over Cuzeo was univer- 
sally acknowledged, and a form of administration established in 
his name. In this conflict only two or three persons were kill- 
ed, but it was soon followed by scenes more bloody.' 

Francis Pizarro havina; dispersed the Peruvians who had in- 
vested Lima, and received some consitlerable reinforcements from 
Hispanioia and Nicaragua, ordered five hundred men, under the 
command of Alonzo de Alvaiado. to march to Cuzco, and relieve 
his brothers. This body andvanced near to the capital, before they 
knew that they had an enemy more formidable than Indians to 
encounter. They were astonished when they beheld their coun- 
trymen posted on the banks of the river Aba ncay. to oppose their 
progress. Almagro w i sh e 4.. r Either to gain, than conquer them, 
and endeavoured by bribes arid promises to seduce their leader. 

The fidelity of Alvarado was not to'be shaken, buthis talents for 
war were not equal to his integrity. Almagro amused him with 
various movements, the meaningof which he could not compre- 
bendj while a large detachment of chosen soldiers passed the river 



148 HISTORY OF 

in the night, surprized his camp, and took him prisoner, with his 
piinciphl officers, after having routed his troops before thej had 
time to form. 

Had Almagro known as well how to imptove, as to gain, a vic- 
tory, this event must have been decisive. Roderigo Orgognez, 
an officer of great abilities, who had served under the Constable 
Bourbon, when he led tne imperial army to Rome, had been ac- 
customed to bold and decisive counsels, advised him instantly to 
issue orders for putting to death Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro, 
Alvarado, and a few other persons whom he could not hope to 
gain, and to march directly to Lima, before the governor had 
time to prepare for his defence. But Almagro, though he saw 
at once the utiliy of this counsel, had not suffered himself to be 
influenced by sentiments like those of a soldier of fortune, grown 
old in the service, or the chief of a party who had drawn his 
sword in a civil war. Feelings of humanity restrained him from 
shedding the blood of his opponents; and dreaded being deerared 
a rebel, for entering a province which the king had allotted to 
another. 

As he was solicitous that his rival should be considered the ag- 
gressor, he marched back to Cuzeo, to wait his approach. Pizarro, 
v.hose spirit had remained unshaken under the rudest shock of 
adversity, was almost overwhelmed with such a tide of misfor- 
tunes, as now fit once poured in upon him. But he was preserv- 
ed from sinking under it, by the necessity of attending to his own 
safety, and the desire of revenge. He took measures for both 
with his usual sagacity. 

The command which he had of the sea coast, by which he was 
f^.nabled to receive supplies both oHhien and military stores, gave 
him an advantage which his rival could not expect. As it was 
his interest to gain time, he had recourse to arts, which he had 
before practised with success, and Almagro was weak enough to 
be amused with a prospect of terminating their differences, by 
some amicable accommodation. Pizarro, by varying his propos- 
als, and shifting his ground, when it suited his purpose, protract- 
ed the negociations for several months, in which time, Gonzalo 
Pizarro and Alvarado, found means to corrupt the guard of sol- 
diers, to whose care they were intrusted, and nut only escaped 
themselves, but persuaded sixty of the men, who had formerly 
guarded them,, to accompany them in their flight. 

One of the brothers being* now at liberty, tlie governor by ano- 
ther act of perfidy procured the release of the othei\ He propos- 
ed that every point in controversy should be submitted to their 
sovereign ; that until his decision was known, each should possess 
whatever part of the country he now occupied; that Ferdinand 
Pizarro should be set at liberty, and return instantly to Spain, to- 
gether with the officers whom Almegro proposed to send thither. 



AMERICA. 149 

to justify his clainis. Notwithstanding the design of this artifice 
was so ohvious, and the insincerity of the governor had been so 
often experienced, yet did Aiinagro, with credulity approach- 
ing to infatuation, cunt^Iude an agreement on these terms. 

No sooner had Ferdinand Pizarro recovered his liberty, than 
the governor threw oti'the mask; the treaty was forgotten, paci- 
fic and conciliating measures vere no more mentioned ; he openly 
declared that in the field, and not in the cabinet, by arms, and not 
by negociation, was their difference to be adjusted ; that it must 
now be determined who must be master of Peru. 

His preparations were so rapid, that seven hundred'men were 
soon ready to march against Cuzco. The command of these 
was given to his two brothers, who were urged on by the desire of 
vengeance, and that rancorous enmity flowing from family rival- 
ship ; they in vain attempted to march across the mountains, in 
the direct road from Lima to Cuzco, but were forced to alter 
their route, by a march towards the south, along the coast as far 
as Nasca; and then turning to the left, penetrated through the 
detiles in that branch of t^ie Andes, which lay between them and 
the capital. 

aA.lniagro, instead of defending those diiiicult passes, waited the 
approach of the enemy in the plain of Cuzco. He was induced 
to take this resolution for two reasons: his followers amounted 
only to five hundred men, and he was afraid of weakening such 
a feeble body, by sending any detachment towards the mountainf-;. 
His cavalry far exceeded those of the enemy, both in number and 
discipline, and it was only in an open country that he could avail 
himself of that advantage. 

The Pizarros, after surmonnting the difficulties and obstructions 
which arose in their march through the desert, and horrid re- 
gions which lay in their way to Cuzco, at length appeared in thr. 
plain, where Almagro's forces were drawn up ready to receive 
them. Though the countrymen and subjects of the same sovereign, 
and eaeh with the royal standard displayed f and though they be- 
held the surrounding mountains, covered with a vast number of 
Indians, assembled to enjoy the spectacle of their mutual carnage, 
and prepared to attack the successful party; so fell and implac- 
able was their rancour, that not one pacific counsel, not a single 
proposition from either party towai'd an accommodation was of- 
fered. 

Almagro at this time unfortunately was so worn out with tiie 
fatigues of service, to which his advanced age was unequal, that 
at this important crisis he could not exert his usual activity, and 
was obliged to commit the leading of his troops to Orgognez, who, 
though an ofiicer of great merit, posses-ed not that ascendency 
over the spirit and affections of the soldiers, as the chief whom 
■&ey had been so long accustomed to follow and rever*», 

N-a 



150 mSTORY OF 

The conflict was fierce, and maintained by each party with 
equal coiuai;c; on tlie side of Alma2:ro were more veteran sol- 
diers, and a larger proportion ot cavalry; but thes^e were coun- 
terbalanced by Pizarro*s superiority in numbers, and by two com- 
panies of well disciplined musketeers, which the emperor had 
sent from Spain, on account of the insurrection of the Indians. 
This small band of soldiers, regularl; trained, and armed, decided 
the fate ot the day. ^Vherever itadvam^ed, horse and foot were 
borne down before it: Orgojjnez, whde he endeavoured to rail? 
and animate the troops, having received a dangerous w ound, the 
route became general. 

The barbarity of the conquerors disgraced the i^lory of their 
victory. The violence of civil rage hurried on some to slaughter 
their eountrNn^en with mdisernninate cruelty: others were 
singled out by the n»eanncss of private revenjie, as the objeits of 
their vengeance. Ors;ognei and several olVjcers, were massa- 
cred in cold blood 5 above one hundred and forty fell in tlie 
lield. 

Almagro, tliongh so feeble tliat he could not bear the motion of 
a horse, was carried in a litter to an eminence, which overhx ked 
the tield of l-attlc. From thence, in the utmost a2;itati(»n of mind, 
he viewed tlie vaiious movements of bo'.h parties, and at last be- 
h^ekl the total defeat of his own troops, with all thepasvionatc in- 
dignation of a loader long accustomed to victory, lie endeavoured 
to >ave himself by lliu^ht, but was taken piisoner. and guarded 
vith the sttictest vigilance. 

'1 he Indians, instead of er.ecuting the resolution which they 
bad formed, retired quietly after tlie battle was over; a convinc- 
:ng evidence of that ascendency the Spatdards had acquired 
<^\er them, as they had not courage to fall own their enennes 
vhen one party was ruined and dispersed, and thev so weak- 
♦ ued and latigued that they mi^ht have been attaclvt d to ad- 
vantage. 

The victorious trocps found in Cujco considerable booty; con- 
sisting partly of the gleanings of ihe Indian treasures and partly 
of the wealih an.asscd by their antagonists from tbe spoils ol Chili 
and Peru. l^Jt so far did this, and whatever the liberality of 
Ferdinand Pr/arro, their leader, could add to it, fall below their 
liish ideas of the recompense which they conceived due to their 
raerit. that, unable fo gratify such extravagant expectations, he 
lad reeou se to the same which his brother had employed on a. 
similar occasion, * . ' 

With this view, he eucoura£;e(l his most aetive officers to dis- 
cover and reduct varir.us pro\i!ices which had not hitherto sub- 
mitted to the Spaniards. Volunteers resorted to the standard, 
erected upon this cccasion, with the ardour of hone peculiar to 
the ase. ::cveral of Ahuagro's soldiers joined them, and thus wa* 



AMERICA. 151 

Plzarro tlellvored from llie iinportnnity of hisdiscontentod friends 
and the dreud ofliis ancient enemies. 'I'ho death of Almai^ro had 
been detertjiined from the moment the Pi/airos had him in their 
power ; but they were constrained to defer siratifying their ven- 
cjeanee. until tl>e soldiers who had served uflder liim, as well as 
«omeof their own followers, in whom they could not perfectly 
rely, had left Cuzco. * 

As soon as they had set out on their different expeditions, Al- 
mno;ro was impeaclied of treason formally tried, and condemn- 
ed to die. Tliou^h he had often braved <loath with an undaunted 
spirit in the field, the sentence astonished him : the approach of 
death under this io;nominious form, appalled him so much, that 
he had recourse to ahjert supnli^'ations unworthy of his former 
fanie. He called upon the Pi/arros to H;etnember the ancient 
friendsl/i!) between their brother and hiin, and how much he had 
contrihuteil t<» the success and prosperity of their family : he re- 
nnnded them of the humanity with which, in opposition to the re- 
peated remonstrances of his own most attached friends, he had 
spared their lives, when they were in his power; he conjured 
them to pity his ajre and infirmities, and to suiVer him to pass the 
remainder of his days in bewailing his crimes, and in making his 
peace with heaven. 

I'he entreaties (savs a Spanish historian.) of a man so much 
beloved, touched numbers of an unfeelins; heart, and drew tears 
from many a hard eye. ]5ut the Pi/arros remained inflexible. 

As soon as Almajrro-knew his f-^te to be inevitable, he met i^ 
with the dijrnity and fortitude of a veteran. He was stranoled 
in prison, and afterwards publicly beheaded. He suffered inthe 
seventy -fifth year of his ap;e, and left one son by an Indian wo- 
iiian of Panama, whom, though a prisoner at tliattime in Lima, 
he named as successor to his government, pursuant to a power 
which the emperor had sjranted him. 

During the eivil dissentions in Peru, all intercourse w ith Spain 
was suspended ; the account of the transactions there, unfortu- 
nately for the victorious jharty, was brought thither Uy some of 
A Imagro's officers, who had left the country upon the ruin of their 
cause: and they related what had happened, with every cir- 
cumstance unfavourable to Pi/.arro and liis brothers. Their am- 
bition, their breach of the most solemn engagements, their vio- 
lence and cruelty, were painted with all the malignity of party 
spirit. 

Ferdinand Pizarro, who arrived soon after, and appeared in 
court with extraordinary splendour, endeavoured to efface the 
impression which their accusations had made, and to justify him- 
self by representing Almagro as the aggressor. The emperor 
and his ministers, clearly saw the fatal tendency of such dissen- 
ti©ns, and they saw no other way more likely to restore order^ 



152 HISTORY OF 

than by sending a person with extensive and discretionary pow- 
ers, who, after viewing deliberately, the posture of affairs and en- 
quiring on the spot, into the conduct of the different leaders, 
shouUr be authorized to establish such form of government, as 
would be most condutive to the interest of the parent state, and 
the welfare of the colony. 

Christoval Vaca tft Castro, a judge of the royal audience at 
Valladolid, was the man selected for this purpose, whose integrity, 
abilities, and tirniness, justified the choice. He had power to 
take upon him different characters. If he foujid the governor 
still alive, he was to assume only the title of judge, to maintain 
the appearance of acting only in concert with him, and to guard 
against giving; any just cause of offence, to a man who had 
merited so highly of his country : and if Pizarro was dead, he 
was entrusted with a commission he might then produce, by 
■which he was appointed his successor in the government of 
Peru. 

This attention to Pizarro seems to have flowed rather from a 
dread of his power, tiian from any approbation of his measures ; 
for at the very time the court seemed so cautious of irritating 
him, his brother Ferdinand was arrested at Madrid, and confin- 
ed to a prison, where he remained twenty years. 

While Vaca de Castro was making preparations for his voy- 
e2;e, events of great moment happened in Peru. Upon the death, 
oif Almagro, the governor considered himself the unrivalled 
possessor of that vast empire, and proceeded to parcel it out 
among his own partizans, to the total exclusion of the followers 
of Almagro ; amongst whom were many of the original adventu- 
rers, to whose valour and perseverance Pizarro was indebted for 
his success: these murmured in secret, and meditated revenge : 
great numbers of them resorted to Lima, where the house of 
young Almagro was open to them, and the slender portion ot his 
father's fortune, which the governor permitted him to eijoy, was 
spent in affording them subsistence. 

The warm attachment with which every person who had 
served under the elder Almagro, was quickly transferred to the 
ion, who was now grown up to the age of manhood, and possessed 
ail those qualities, which captivate the atfections of soldiers. Bold, 
9pen, generouS) of a graceful appearance, dexterous at all martial 
exercises, he seemed formed for command. His father had been 
.extremely attentive to have him instructed in every science be- 
aoming a gentleman ; the accomplishments he had acquired, in- 
creased the respect of his partizans, who were ready to undertake 
any thing for his advancement : they began to deliberate how they 
might be avenged on the author of their misery. 

Their frequent cabals did not pass unobserved; and the gov- 
smor was warned to be on his guard against men who meditated 



AMERICA. 153 

some desperate dceil, and had resolution to execute it. It was 
either from the native intrepidity of his mind ; or from contempt 
of persons, whose poverty rendered their maclnnations of little 
consequence, that he replied •• Be not afraid (suid he carelessly) 
about my life ; it is perfectly safe, as long as every man in Peru 
knows that I can in a moment put him to death, who dares to 
harbour a thought against it." This security gave the Almagri- 
ans full leisure to digest and ripen every part of their scheme ; 
and Juan de Herrada, an officer of e:reat abilities, who had the 
charge of Almagro's education, took the lead in their consulta- 
tions, with all the zeal that connexion inspired, and wiih all the 
authority which the ascendency which he had over the mind of 
his pupil, g;ave him. 

On the twenty -sixth day of June, lo41, being the sabbath at 
mid-day. the season of tranquilitv and repose in all sultry cli- 
mates, Herrada at the head of eischteen of the most determined 
conspirators, sallied out of Aimagro's house, in complete armour, 
and drawing their swords, as they advanced hastily towards the 
governor's palace, crying " Long live the king but let the ty- 
"■ rant die." Their associates warned of their motions by a sig- 
nal, were in arms at different stations, ready to support them. 

Thou9;h Plzarro was usually surrounded by such a numerous 
train of attendants, as suited the magnificence of the most opulent 
subject of the age in which he lived : yet, as he was just risen 
from table, and most of his own domestics had retired to their own 
apartments, the conspirators passed through the two outer courts 
of the palace unobserved. They were at the bottom of the stair- 
case, before a page in waiting could give the alarm to his master, 
who was conversing with a few friends in a large hall. 

The governor, whose steady mind no form of danger could ap- 
pal, starting up called for arms, and commanded Francisco de 
Chaves to make fast the door. But that officer did not retain so 
much presence of mind as to obey this prudent order, running to 
the top of the stair-case, wildly asked the conspirators what they 
meant, and whither they were going ? Instead of answering, they 
stabbed him to tlie heart, and hurst into the hall. Some of the 
persons who were there, in a fright threw themselves from the 
■windows, others attempted to escape; and a few drawing their 
swords followed their leader to an inner apartment. The con- 
spirators having the object of their vengence now in view, rushed 
forwards. Pizarro, with no other arms than his sword and buck- 
ler, defended the entry, and supported by his half brother Alcan- 
tara and his few friends, maintained the unequal contest with in- 
trepidity, worthy of his former exploits; and with the vigour of a 
youthful combatant. ** Courage (cried he to his companions) wti 
j^re yet formidable enough to make these traitors repent their au- 
dacity." But the armour of the conspirators, protected them^ 
^vhile Q,very thrust ihey made took eS'ect. 



•io4 ^ HISTORY OF 

Alcantara i^W dead at his brotbcr's feet : lii» other ilefentlants* 
vere mortally woundcil. The f^overnor, so weary thpt he could 
not wielii his swonl anvi no longor able to parry the many weapons 
furiously aimed at him, received a deadly thrust full in the throat, 
sunk to the ground and expired. As soon a> he was slain, the as- 
sassins lan into the streets waving their bloody swords, and pro- 
claiuiingthe death of the tyrant. About two' hundred of the as- 
sociates having joined them, they conducted young Almagro, in 
solemn procession through the city : and asseu;bling the maps- 
trates and principal citi/.ens. compelled them to acknowledge hiiu 
as lawful successor to his father in his government. 

The palace of Fi/ari o, tog^ether with the houses uf several of 
his ailherents w ei-e pillaged by the soldiers, who had at once the 
satisfaction of being avenged on their enemies, and of enriching 
themselves by the spoils of those, through whose hands all the 
wealth of Peru havl passed. 

The popular qualities of Almagro and the success of the con- 
spiracy drew many soMiers to his standard ; who declared with- 
out hesitation in his favour. Almaijro w as soon at the head of 
eight hundred of the most gallant veterans o( Peru. Me appoint- 
ed Herrada general. Notwithstanding this tavourahle turn of for- 
tune (he ac(juiescence in his government was far from being 2;en- 
eral. Pi/.ario had left many friends to whom his memory ^^ as 
dear : tlie barbarous assassination of a loan to w horn his country 
was much indebted, filled every impnitial person witii horror; 
by <'the;e !>e ^va3 considered as an usurper. The otlicers who 
commanded in some provinces, refused to recogni/.e his authority 
until it was confirmed by the emperor In others, particularly at 
Cu/co, tlie royal standard was erected, and preparations made 
to revenge the murder oi their ancient leader. 

Those seeds of discord aiquired greater vigour when the arri- 
val of Vacade Castro was k?inwn. After a long vovage he put 
into a small harbour in die province of Papayan, ui the year 
1541, from thence he proceeded by a difhrult and tedious route to 
Quito. In this way he received an account of I'izarro's death, and 
ot the events which follov. ed upon it. He immediately produced 
the royal cotnmissiou appointing him governor of Peru. I!is ju- 
risdiction was acknowledged bv Benalcazar, lieutenant general 
for the emperor in Papayan, anil by Pedro de Puellus, who in the 
absence it" Gon/.ales Pi/.arro, commanded the troops in Quito; 
who had himself gone upon a fruitless expedition to the east of 
the Andes, where he and his follow ers sutVered incredible hard- 
ships. 

Vaca de Castro not only assumed the supreme authority, but 
^hoNNedtiiat he possessed talents equal to the exigeney of the 
:j omeiitous trust eommited to him. Ky his intlueuce and adilress 
>'' soon assembled a body of troops, that set him above all fear 



AMERICA, 155 

of insult from the adverse party, and euablcd niin to advance 
from Quito with -the diguity that became hi;* character. 

Alinai^ro observed the rapid proj»ress of the spirit of disaffection 
to his cause ; and that he uii^ht give an elVectual check to it he- 
fore the arrival of V'aca de Castro, he set out at the head of his 
troops for Cuzco, \vi\ere the most considerable body of troops had 
erected the royal standaid under the couunand of Pedro Alvarez 
Holguin. During his march thither, llerrada, the skilful guide 
of his youth, died; and from that time his measures were con- 
spicuous for violence and want of sagacity, llolguin, with forces 
far inferior, was descending to the coast, at the very time that 
Almagro was on his way to Cu/xo. By a very simple stratagem 
he deceived his unexperienced adversary, avoided an engage- 
ment, and effected a junction with Alvarado, an ofticer of note, 
who had been the first to declare against Almagro as an usurper. 

Soon after, Vaca de Castro entered the camp with the troops 
which he had brought from Quito, and erected the royal standard 
before his own tent : he declared himself as governor, that he 
Mould discharge all the functions of general of the combined 
forces ; and although he had not been brought up to the profes- 
sion, he displayed the abilities and decision of an officer accus- 
tomed to command. As his strength was superior to that of the 
enemy, he was impatient to end by a battle, the contest which 
appeared unavoidable. 

Almagro and his followers despairing of pardon, for a crime 
so attrocious as the murder of Pizarro, the governor, were not 
inclined to shun the mode of decision. 

They met, September the sixteenth, 154^2, at Chupas, about 
two hundred miles from Cuzco. The violence of civil rage, the 
rancour of private enmity, ihe eagerness of revenge, and the 
last etlbrts of despair, inspired them with such courage, that 
victory remained for a long time doubtful : but at last declared 
for Vaea de Castro. The martial talents of Francisco de Car- 
ajal, a veleran oiVieer, and the intrepidity of Vaca de Castro, 

umphed over the bravery of their opponents, led on by young 
Almagro, with a gallant spirit, worthy of a nobler cause, and de- 
serving a better fate. 

Many of the vauipiished who had been accessary to the assas- 
sination of Pizarro, rather than wait an ignominious doom, rush- 
ed on the sworils of the enemy, and fell like soldiers. Of fourteen 
hundred men, the amount of combatants on both sides, five hun- 
dred lay dead on tlie field; and the number of the wounded was 
htill greater. Vaca de Castro proceeded immediately to try his 
prisoners as rebels. Forty were condemned to sufter death as 
traitors, others were banished from Peru. Their leader, who 
made his escape from the battle, betrayed by some of his olficers, 
was publicly beheatied at Cuzco ; and in him the name of Alma? 
gro, aiul the spirit '^f his party were extinct. 



IVI 



156 ^ ^ HISTORY OF 

Durina; these violent commotions in Peru, the emperor and his 
ministers were en ployed in preparing reg;u]alions by wliich they 
hoped to restore tranquility, and a more perfect system of internal 
policy, into all their settlements in the New World. To prevent 
the extinction of the Indian race, called f(»r immediate remedy; 
fortunatel;y for them Bartholomew de Casashappened to be then 
at Madrid on a mis-ion from a chapter of his order at Ohiapa. 
His zeal in behalf of this unfirtutiate people, who so far from 
abating, that from an increased kno\vleil2;e of their sufferings, his 
ardour had augmented. He eagerly seized this opportunity in re- 
viving his favourite maxims concernini» the treatment of the In- 
dians. With that moving eloquence natural to a man on whose 
mind the scenes which he ha<i btheld, had ntade a deep impres- 
sion, he described the irreparable waste of the human species in 
the New World ; the Indian race ainiost totally swept away on 
the islands in less than fifty years, and hastening to extinction 
on the continent with the same rapidity. 

With a decisive tone, he iu'puted all this to the exactions and 
cruelty of his countrymen, and possitively insisted that nothing 
could prevent the depopulation of America, but by declaring the 
natives freemen, and treating them as such. Not content with 
thus verbally asserting the rights of this oppressed people, he 
published a celebrated treatise, in which he related the horrid 
cruelties of his countrymen. 

The emperor was deeply affected with the recital of so many 
actions shocking to humanity. To relieve the Indians, as well as 
to circumscribe the power of his own subjects in the New World, 
he framed a body of laws, containing many salutary appointments 
with respect to the constitution and powers of the supreme coun- 
cil of the Indies, and the administration of justice, both ecclesi- 
astical and civil. These were approved by all ranks of men : but, 
with them were issued the following regulations, which excited 
universal alarm. *• That as the repartimientos or shares of land 
seized by several person's, appeared to be excessive, the royal 
audiences were empowered to reduce them to a moderate ex- 
tent: that upon die death of any conqueror or planter, the 
lands and Indians granted to him shall not descend to his widow 
or children, but return to the crown: That the Indians shall 
hencefordi be exenipted from personal service, and shall not be 
compelled to carry the baggage of travellers, to labour in the 
mines, or dive in the pearl fisheries : That all persons who are 
or have been in public offices, ecclesiastics of every denomination, 
hospitals, and monasteries, shall be deprived of the lands and In- 
dians allotted to them : these lands and Indians shall be annexed 
to the crown : FhaVevery person in Peru, who had any criminal 
concern in the contests between Pizarro and Ahuagro, should 
forfeit his lands and Indians." All the Spanish njioisters \vho 



AMERICA. lo7 

bad hittierto "been entrusted with the direction of American 
aftairs, opposed these regulations. But Charles, tenacious at all 
times of his own opinions, persisted in his resolution of publish- 
ing the laws. 

'rtiat they might be carried into execution with greater viajour 
and authority, he authorised Francisco Tello de Sandoval, to re- 
pair to Mexico as visitador, or superintendant of that country: 
and to co-operate with Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy, in en- 
forcing them. He appointed Blasco Nugnez Vela, to be gover- 
nor of Peru, with the title of viceroy ; and to strengthen his ad- 
ministration, he established a court of audience at Lima, in which 
four lawyers of eminence were to preside as judges. 

The viceroy and superintendant sailed at the same time. An 
account of the new laws, they were to enforce, had reached Amer- 
ica beforfe their arrival. The entry of Sandoval into Mexico was 
considered as the prelude of general ruin. Under the prudent ad- 
ministration of Mendoza, the people of New Spain had become 
accustomed to the restraints of law and authority. Happily for 
them, Mendoza, by long residence in the country, was so well ac- 
quainted with its state, that he knew what was for its interest, as 
well as what the people could bear; and Sandoval displayed a 
degree of moderation unexpected from a person just entering 
npon the exercise of power. They w^ere disposed to grant every 
indulgence to the inhabitants, that was in their power. In compli- 
ance with their request, they suspended for some time, the execu- 
tion of what was offensive in the new laws; they also consented, 
that a deputation of citizens should be sent to Europe, to lay be- 
fore the emperor the apprehensions of his subjects in New Spain, 
with respect to their tendency and efteets ; and concurred with 
them in supporting their sentiments. 

Charles, moved by the opinion of m^n, whose abilities and in- 
tegrity were unquestionable, granted such a relaxation of the 
rigour of the laws, as re-established the colony in its former tran- 
quility. In Peru the storm wore an aspect more fierce and 
threatening. As the account of the new laws spread through 
the differeri settlements, theinhabitants ran together ; the women 
in tears, armthe men exclaiming against the injustice and ingra- 
1 titude of their sovereign, in depriving them unheard and uncon- 
' victed of their possessions. 

I « Is this,'* cried they, ** the recompense due to persons, who, 
I without public aid, at their own expense, and by their own va- 
|lour, had subjected to the crown of Castile, territories of such 
, vast extent and opulence ? shall the conquerors of this great eni- 
|pire, instead of receiving marks of distinction, be deprived of the 
I natural consolation of providing for their widows and children, 
•and leave them to depend for subsistence on the scanty supply 
jthej can extort from unfeeling courtiers. Although we are not 

^ o 



158 HISTORY OF 

now able to explore unknown rej!;ions, in quest of more seccre 
settlements, yet we still possess vfsjour sufficient to assert our just 
rights ; and we will not tamely suffer them to be wrested from 
us.'* Consultations were held in different places, planning how 
they might oppose the entrance of the viceroy and judges ; and 
prevent not only the execution, bat the promulgation, of the 
laws. 

Vaca de Castro had the address to divert them from their pur- 
pose ; he flattered them with hopes, that when the viceroy and 
judges should arrive, and had leisure to examine their petitions 
and remonstrances, they would concur with them in endeavour- 
ing to procure them some mitigation in the rigour of the laws, 
which had been framed without due attention to the state of the 
Countr'y, or the sentiments of the people. Of all the qualities that 
lit men for high command, the viceroy possessed only integrity 
and courage: the former harsh and uncomplying, the latter bor- 
dering so frequently on rashness and obstinacy, that in his situ- 
ation they were detects rather than virtues. 

When he landed, he seemed to have considered himself merely 
as an executive officer, without any discretionary power. Re- 
gardless of what he heard of the state of the country, he adhered 
to the letter of the regulations with unrelenting rigour. Through 
all the towns which he passed, he declared the natives free. Eve- 
ry person in public office was deprived of his lands and servants ; 
and, as an example of obedience, he would not sufter an Indian 
to carry any part of his baggage in his march to Lima, from Tum- 
bez. Wherever he approached, amazement and consternation 
went before him. On entering the capital, he openly avowed 
*« that he came to obey the orders of his sovereign : not to dis- 
pense with the laws." This harsh declaration was accompanied 
with a haughty deportment, and insolence of office, which ren- 
dered him odious to the people* Several persons of rank were 
confined, and some put to death without a trial. 

Yaca de Castro was arrested, and notwithstanding the dignity 
Df his former rank, and his merit in having prevented a general 
insurhection of the colony, he was loaded v> ith chains, and shut up 
iti the common gaol. From the time the purport of thJIbew 'regu- 
lations v;ere known, every Spaniard in Peru turned his eyes to- 
wards Gonzalo Pizarro, as the only person able to avert the ruin 
with which they were threatened. From all quarters, letters and 
addresses were sent to him, conjuringhim to stand forth as their 
protector ; offering to support him in the attempt with their lives 
and fortunes. 

Gonzalo, though he wanted the talents of his other brothers, 
was equally ambitious, and of as daring courage. The behavi- 
our of an ungrateful court, towards his brothers and himself, 
dwelt continually on his mind. Ferdinand, a state prisoner in 



AMERICA. 15^ 

Europe, the children of the governor in custody of the viceroy, 
and sent on board the fleet, himself reduced to the condition of 
a private vitizen, in a country, for the discovery and conquest of 
which Spain was indebted to his family. These thoughts prompt- 
ed him to seek for vengeance, and assert the rights of his fami- 
ly, of which he now considered himself the guardian and 
heir. 

But the veneration which every Spaniard had for his sove- 
reign, made him shudder at the thoughts of marching in arms 
against the royal standard. He hesitated long, and was still un- 
resolved : when the violence of the viceroy, the universal call of 
his countrymen, and the certainty of soon becoming a victim to 
the severity of the new laws, moved him to quit his residence at 
Chuquisaca de la Plata, and repair to Cuzco. All the inhabitants 
went out to meet him, and received h-im with transports of joy, 
as the deliverer of the colony. 

In the fervour of their zeal they elected him procurator gener- 
al of the Spanish nation of Peru, to solicit the repeal of the late 
regulations ; they also commissioned him to lay before the royal 
audience in Lima their remonstrances, and, upon pretext of dan- 
ger from the Indians, authorized him to march thither in arms. 
Under sanction of this nomination, Pizarrotook possession of the 
royal treasure, appointed officers, levied soldiers, seized a large 
train of artillery, which Vaca de Castro had deposited in Gua- 
manga, and set out for Lima as if he had been advancing against 
a public-enemy. 

Disaffection having now assumed a regular form, many persons 
of note resorted to his standard ; and a considerable body of troops 
which the viceroy had raised to oppose his progress, deserted to 
him. The violence of the viceroy's administration, and his over- 
bearing haughtiness, had become so odious to his associates, the 
judges of the royal audience, as well as to the people, that the 
judges thv\ arted every measure he proposed ; and set at liberty the 
prisoners he confined : justified the malecontents, and applauded 
their remonstrances. The viceroy became at length so univer- 
sally odious, that he was abandoned by his own guai-ds, was seized 
in his palace, and carried to a desolate island on the coast, to be 
.kept there until he should be sent home to Spain. This revolu* 
tion took place while Pizarro was on his march to Lima. 

The judges having now assumed the supreme direction of affairs, 
issued a proclamation suspending the execution of the obnoxious 
laws and sent a message to Pizarro, requiring him, as they had 
already granted whatever he could request, to dismiss his troops, 
^nd repair to Lima vvih fifteen or twenty attendants. It was 
not expected that a man so daring and ambitious would tamely 
comply with this requisition : but it was necessary to throw ade- 
iEjent .veil over their coriduct ; Cepeda, president of the court af 



160 HISTORY OF 

audience, a pra2;matical and aspiring lawyer, held a secret co£- 
resjjondence with Pizarro, and had already formed the plan, 
which he afterwards executed, of devoting himself to his ser- 
vice. 

Pizarro now beheld the supreme power within his reach ; and 
Carvajrtl, the promoter and guide of ail his actions, had long 
fixed his opinion, that it was the only end at which Pizarro ought 
to aim. He, accordinjj;ly, demanded, to be made governor and 
captain-general of the whole province, and required the judges 
to grant him a commission to that effect. But the judges, from a 
desire of preserving some attention to appearances, seemed to he- 
sitate, about complying. Carvajal, impatient of delay, and impet- 
uous in all his operations, marched into the city by night, seized 
several officers of distinction, obnoxious to Pizarro, and hanged 
them without the formality of a trial. Next morning the court of 
audience issued a commission in the emperor's name, appointing 
Pizarro governor of Peru, with full powers civil as well as mili- 
tary; and he entered the town that day with great pomp, to taike 
possession of his new dignity. Pizarro had scarcely begun to ex- 
ercise the new powers with which he was invested, when he be- 
held formidable enemies rise up to oppose him. 

The viceroy had been put on board a vessel by the judges, in 
order that he might be carried to Spain under custody of Juan Al- 
varez one of their own number ; who, as soon as they were out 
at sea, touched with remorse, or moved by fear, fell at the feet of 
his prisoner, declaring him from that moment to be free, and that 
he would himself, and every person on the ship, obey him a^the 
legal representative of their sovereign. Nugnez Vela ordered 
them to steer to Tumbez, where he landed, and erected the roy- 
al standard, and resumed his functions of viceroy. Several per- 
sons of note instantly avowed their resolution to support the au- 
thority. 

Alarmed with these appearances of hostility, Pizarro prepared 
to assert the authority to which he had attained, and marciied 
against the viceroy, as the enemy who was nearest as well as most 
formidable. As he was master af the public revenues in Peru, 
and most of the nsilitary men were attached to his family, his 
troops were so numerous, that the viceroy, unable to face him, 
retreated towards Quito, and from thence to the province of Po- 
payan, whither Pizarro followed him ; but finding it impossible 
to overtake him, he returned to Quito. From thence he des- 
patched Carvajal to oppose Centeno, a bold and active officer, 
who had cut off his lieutenant governor, in the province of Char- 
cas, and had declared for the viceroy, and remained himself at 
Quito. 
Nugnez Vela by his own activity, and the assistance of Benalca- 
zar assembled four hundred raeu i,^. Popayan ; with these he 



AME'RICA, lb.i 

marched back to Quito, disdaining the advice of some of his fol- 
Jowers, who endeavoured to persuade him to send overtures of 
accommodation to Pizarro ; dechirins; that it was only by the 
sword, that a contest with rebels could be decided. 

Pizarro advanced resolutely to meet him. The battle was fierce 
and bloody ; but Pizarro's veterans, pushed forwards with such 
rej^ular and well directed force, that they soon began to make an 
impression on their enemies. The viceroy, by J^reat exertions, 
in vvhich the abilities of a commander, and courage of a soldier 
were equally displayed, held victory for some time in suspense. 
At length he fell, pierced v/ith many wounds, and the route of his 
soidiets became creneral. His head was cut o!f, and placed onihe 
public gibbet, in Quito. The troops assembled by Centeno, were 
dispersed soon after, by Carvajal, and he himself compelled to 
fly to the mountains, where he remained for several months, con- 
cealed in a cave. Every person in Peru submitted to Pizarroj 
and by his fleet, under Pedro de Hinojosa, he had the unrivalled 
command of the South Sea, had also possession of Panama, and 
placed a garrison in Nombre de Dios, on the opposite side of the 
isthmus, which rendered him master of the usual avenue of.com- 
tnunication between Spain and Peru. 

After this decisive victory, Pizarro and his followers remained 
for some time at Quito; and altbough they were transported with 
their victory, yet he and his confidents, were obliged to turn their 
thoughts sometimes to what was serious, and delibf::rated with 
much solicitude, concerning the parts he ought nov; to take. Car- 
vajal had from the beginning, warned Pizarro ffiat in the career 
on which he was entering, it was in vain to Ichink of holding- a 
middle course ; that he must either boldlj >uim at all or attempt 
nothing. 

Upon receiving an account of the victory at Quito, he remon- 
strated to him in a letter, and in a tone still more peremptory, 
« you have usurped (said he) the su|ireme power in this country, 
iln contempt of the: emperor's commission to another. You have 
marched in hostile array, against the royal standard; you have 
attacked the representative of your sovereign in the field, have 
defeated him, and cut off his head. Thin'k not that a monarch 
will forgive such insults on his dignity ; or that any reconciliation 
wiih him can be cordial or sincere. Depend no longer on the pre- 
carious favour of another. Assume yourself the sovereignty over 
a country, to the dominiim of which your family has a title, found- 
€d on the rights both of discovery and conquest, it is in your 
power to attach every Spaniard in Peru, of any consequence', in- 
violably to your interest, by liberal grants of land and Indians 5 
or by instituting ranks of nobility ; of creating titles of honourj 
^similar to those which are courted with so much eagerness in Eu- 
«qpe. By establibhing orders of knighthood, with priviliges and 

Q.2 



hKfi HISTORY OF 

distinctions like those in Spain, vou may bestow a gratificatf^ 
upon the officers in your service, suited to the idea of military 
, jnen. Nor is it to your country only that you ought to attend ; 
endeavour to gain the natives. By oiarrying the Coya or daugh- 
ter of the sun, next in suc«-ession to the crown, you will induce the 
Indians, out of veneration for the blood of their aneient princes, 
to unite \Nith tl»e Spaniards in suppottin^; y»»ur authority. Thus, 
at the head of the principal inhabitants of Peru as well as the 
new settlers there, vou may set at defiance the power of Spain, 
and repel with ease any feeble force which it can send at such a 
distance." - ^ 

Cepeda,the lawyer, who was now Pizarro's confidential eoun>.? 
sellor, warmly seconded Carvajal's exhortations. Pizarro listen-, 
ed attentively to both, and contemplated with ph*asure the object 
they presented to his view. But, happily for the tranquility oC 
the world, few men possess that superior strenu,th of mind, and 
extent of abilities, which are capaole of forminj; and executing^ 
such darino; schemes. The mediocrity of Piza^rno'^ talent^, cir- 
cumscribed his ambition within more narrow limits. He c«>nfined, 
his views to obtaining from the lourt of Spain, a confinr.ation of 
the authority wliich he now possessed ; and for that purpose he 
ssent an officer of di>tinctio.n thill^r, to represent his conduct in 
such a favourable light, as that the emperor might be induced ta 
contii/ue hini in his present station. 

While Piza'-ro was deliberatins; with respect to the part he. . 
^^hould take, consul!at}t>ns were held in Spain concerning the mea-. 
sures Mhich ou'^hi to be pursued : the court had received intelli- 
gence of the insuv\rection against the viceroy: of his imprison- 
ment, and Pizario's usurparioi:. At first view, the actions of 
Pizan o and his party appeared so repugnant to the duty of sub- 
jects towai ds tiieir sovereiiin, ihvA the greater part of the ministers 
insisted ors deehirini; thein instantly guilty of rebeliion, and ou 
proceeding to punish them with rigour. But innumerable obsta- 
cles presented themselves. Tite>>CreDgth and glory of the Spanish 
armies were th.en ^mpiuyed in Germany. lo transport an> res- 
pectable body of troops so remote as Peru, appeared almost ini; 
possible, as the treasury had been drained of uiouey to support 
ihe eniperor's war in Europe, 

Nothing, therefore, remained, but to attempt by lenient mea- 
sures, what could not be etfected by force; with this view they 
appointed Pedro de la Gasca, a priest and counsellor of the iu- 
ijuisition, who had been employed by government in aftairs of trust 
and confidence, and which l»e had conducted with ability and sue- 
cessj displayiui: a gentle insinuating temper, accompanied with. j 
itirmuess <ind probity, superior to any feeling of private interest^ 
and a cautious circunispection in concerting measures, followed by, 
such vigour iu executing them, as is rarely found united with eativ 



AMERICA^ 163 

other. These qualUies marked him out for the function for which 
he >vas destined^ The emperor warmly appioved of the choice* 
He was invested with unli<nited authority; and without monej 
or troops, set out to quell a formidable rebellion. On his arrival 
at Nombre de Dios, he found Herman Mexia, an officer of note, 
posted there by order of Pizarro, wiih a considerable body of 
men, to oppose the landiny; of any hostile forces. But Gasca 
came in such pacific guise, with a train so little formidable, and 
with a title of no such dignity as *r» excite terror, that he was re- 
ceived with much respect; for he assumed no higher title than 
that of president of the court of audience in Lima. 

From Nombre de Dios he advanced to Panama; and was 
treated with the same respect by Hinojosa, whom Pizairo had 
entrusted with the government of that town, and the command of 
the fleet stationed. there. In both places, he held the same lan- 
guage, declaring that he wa^sent by his sovereign as a messenger 
of peace, not as a minister of vengi^a.ice ; that he came to redress 
all siievances, to revoke t!ie laws v\hich had excited alarm ; and 
to re establish order and justice in Pi'.iu. His mild deportment, 
the siijiplicity of his manners, he sanctity of his profession, and" 
a winning appearance of candour, gained credit to his deilara- 
tiuns. Hinojosa, Mexia, and several other officers of distictiony 
were gained over to his interest, and waited only a decent4)re- 
text for declaring openly, in his favour. 

This, the violence bt Pizai ro ^oun gave them. He sent a new 
deputation to Spain to ju^>iify ois conduct; and to insist in the 
name of all the cqmmuuities in Pmu, for a confirmation of the 
governmejat to himself during his life. The persons entrusted 
vith this commission, intimated the iatention of Pizarro to the pre- 
sident, and required him, in his na:ue, to depari from Panama,^ 
and return to Spain. Vo Hin«»j -sa they had secret instructions^ 
directing him to offer Gasca fifty thousand pesos, if he would com- 
ply willingly with what was deuianded of him; and, if he should 
continue obstinate? to cut him oiV, either by assassination or poi- 
son. Hinojosa^, amazed at tins precipitate resolution of setting 
himself in opposition to the emperor's commission, and disdaining 
to execute the crimes pointed out in his secret instructions, pub- 
licly acknowledged the piesident as his only lawful superior. The 
officers under his command did the satne. Such was the conta- 
gious influence of the example, that it reached even the deputies 
who had been sent to Lima; and, at the lime when Pizarro ex- 
pected to hear of Gasca's death, or his return to Spain, he was- 
informed that he was master of the fleet, of Panama, and of the^ 
troops stationed there. 

Provoked almost to madness b}? an event so unexpected, he 
openly declared war; and to j;ive some colour of justice to his* 
proceedings, he appointed the couit of audience at Lima to %rj 



164 HISTORY Ot 

Gasca, for the crimes of ha%'ing seized his ships, seduced hid of- 
ficers, and prevented his deputies from proceeding on their voy- 
age to Spain. Cepeda did not scruple to prostitute his dijijnity as 
judge, bj finding Gasca guilty of trea«on, and condemned him to 
death on that account. 'Wild and ridiculous as this may appear, 
it was imposed on the low adventurers with which Peru was peo- 
pled, by the semblance of a legal sanction, warranting Pizarro to 
carry hostilities on against a convicted traitor. Soldiers accord- 
ingly resorted to his standard from every quarter, and he was 
soon at the head of a thousand men, the best equipped that had 
ever taken the field in Peru. 

Gasca, on his part, seeing that force must be employed, was 
•assiduous in collecting troops from different places, and with such 
success, that he was soon in a condition to detach a squadron of 
his fleet, with a considerable body of soldiers, to the coast of Pe- 
ru. Their appearance excited a dreadful alarm; and though 
they did not for some time attempt to make any descent, yet 
they set ashore at different places, persons with copies of the act 
of general indemnity, and the revocation of the late edicts : and 
>vho made known every where the pacific intentions and mild 
temper of the president. The eftect of spreading this iuforma- 
tion was wonderful. 

All who were dissatisfied with Pizarro, all who retained any 
sentiments of fidelity to their sovereign, meditated revolt. Some 
openly deserted a cause they considered now as unjust. Centeiio 
left his cave, and having assembled about fifty of his former ad- 
herents, almost without arms, enteied Cuzco by night, and though 
it was defended by five hundred men, he rendered himself master 
of that capital. Most of the garrison ranged themselves under 
his banners, and he had soon the command of a respectable body 
of troops., 

As the danger from Centeno's operations was the most urgent, 
Pizarro instantly sei out to oppose him. Having piovided horses 
for his soldiers, his march v^as rapid. But every morning he 
found his force diminished by numbers who had left him iluring 
the night; and though he became suspicious t(» excess, and punish- 
ed without mercy, all whom he suspected, the rage of desertion 
was too violent to be checked. Before he got within sight of the 
enemy at Huarina, near the lake Titicaca, he could only muster 
four hundred men. But those he considered as soldiers of iried 
attachment, on whom he might depend. They were the boldest 
and most desperate of his followers, ccmscious, like himself, of 
crimes, for which they c(aild haidly expect forgiveness; and 
without any other hope but the success of iheir ai-ms. \\ itk 
these he did not hesitate to attack Centeno's troops, thou|jfh 
double in nuiiiker to lii^ own. 



AMERICA. 165 

The royalists did not decline the combat. It was the most ob- 
stinate and bloody that had ever been fought in Peru. The in- 
trepid valour, and the superiority of Carvajal's military talents 
prevailed, and triumphing over numbers, a complete victory was 
gained. The booty was immense, and the treatment of the 
vanquished cruel. 

By this signal success, the reputation of Pizarro was re esta- 
blished, and being now considered as invincible in the field, his 
army increased daily. But this victory was more than counter- 
balanced by events which happened in other parts of Peru. 

Pizarro had scarcely left Lima, when the citizens, weary of his 
oppressive dominion, erected the royal standard; and Aldana, 
with a detachment of soldiers from the fleet, took possession of the 
town: at the same time Gasca landed at Tumbez with five hun- 
dred men ; as his numbers augmented fast, he advanced into the 
interior of the country. His behaviour still continued to be gentle 
and unassuming ; he expressed on every occasion, his ardent wish 
of putting an end to the contest without bloodshed. He upbraid- 
ed no man for past offences, but received them as a father receives 
his penitent children, returning to a sense of their duty. He ap- 
pointed the general rendezvous of his troops in the valley of 
Xauxa on the road toCuzco; there he remained for some months, 
that he might have time to make another attempt towards an ac- 
commodation with Pizarro, and also that he might train his new 
soldiers to the use of arms, and accustom them to discipline, be- 
fore he led them against a body of victorious troops. Pizarro, 
elated with success, and having now a thousand men under his 
command, refused to listen to any terms, although Cepeda, toge- 
ther with several oificers, and Carvajal himself, gave it as their 
advice, to close with the pr^^sident's otter, of a general indemnity, 
and the revocation of the obnoxious laws. 

Gasca having tried in vain every expedient to avoid erabruing 
his hands in the blood of his countrymen, advanced at the head 
of sixteen hundred men, towards Cuzco. Pizarro, confident of 
victory, suffered the royalists to pass ail the rivers without op- 
position, and to advance within four leagues of the capital, flat- 
tering himself that a defeat in such a situation would render a 
retreat impracticable, and at once terminate the war. He then 
marched out to meet the enemy. Carvajal chose his ground, and 
made a disposition of the troops, with the discerning eye, and 
profound knowledge, of the art of war, which were conspicuous 
in all his operations. 

As the two armies moved forward to the charge, the appear- 
ance of each was singular. Pizarro 's men, enriched with the 
spoils of the most opulent country in America; every officer, and 
almost all the private men, were clothed in silk stuft's, or bro- 
cade, embroidered v>ith gold and silver; and their horses, their 



166 HISTORY OF 

arms, and standards, were adorned with all the pride of military 
pomp. That of Casca, ihiKigh not so splendid, exhibited what 
was no less striking. Himself accompanied by the arehbi>hop 
of Lima, the bishop of Quito, and Cuzco, and a great nuuiber of 
ecelesiastics. marching along the lines, blessing the men, and en- 
courasrin^ them t(» a resolute dischare;e of their duty. When 
both were just ready to enga^, Cepeda set spurs to' his horse, 
galloped oft', and surrendered himself to the president: several 
other officers of note followed his example. The revolt of per- 
sons of suchhi^h rank struck all with amazement. Distrust and 
consternation spread from rank to rark ; some silently slipped 
awav, others threw dov. n their arms, but the greater number went 
over to the rovalists. Carv^al, and some leaders employed au- 
thority, threats, and entreaties, to stop them, but in vain; in less 
than half an hour, a body of men, which mioht have decided the 
fate of the Peruvian empire, was totally dispersed. Pizarro, 
seeing all lost, cried out in amazement to a few officers, who 
still faiihfullv adhered to him, " What remains for us to dor"'- 
*<Let us rush." replied one of them, •* upon the enemy 'a firmest 
-battalion, and die Jike Romans." 

Dejeited viih such reverse of fortune, he had not spirit to 
follow this soldierly counsel ; and with n tameness disgraceful to 
his former fame, he surrendered to one of Ga>c»*s officers ; Car- 
vajal endeavouring lo esraj>e, was overtaken and seized. Gasca, 
bappy in this bloodies victory, did not stain it with cruelty. Pi- 
zarro, Carvajal- and a small number of the most notorious oftend- 
crs, were punished capitally. Pizarro was beheaded the day af- 
ter he surrendered. He submitted lo his fate with a con posed 
dignitv. and seemed desirous lo atone by repentance for the 
crimes which he had committed. The end of Carvajal was suit- 
able to his life. On his trial he (^tiered no defence. AVhen the 
sentence, adjudging him to be ttanged, vas pronounced, he care- 
lessly replied, "One can die but once/' In the interval between 
the sentence and execution, he discovered no signs of remorse 
for the past, or solicitude about the future, scoffitg at all who 
visited him. in his usunl sarcastic vein of mirth, with the same 
quickness of repartee arid pleasantry, as at any other period v^f 
his life. Cepeda. more criminal than either, ought toiiave shared 
the same fate, but the merit of having ileseried his associates at 
such a critical moment, and witli such decisive efieet, saved him 
from imnediate punishment. lie was sent as a prisoner to Spain, 
and died in confinement. 

On the death of Pizarro, the malecontents in every corner of 
Peru laid dow n their arms, and tranquility seemeti to be peiiect- 
ly reestablished. But two very interestirig objects still remained 
to occupv the president's attention. I he one was to find employ- 
eieut immediately for a multitude of turbident daring aUveni'*- 



AMERICA. 167 

rers, with which the country was filled : as might prevent them 
from exciting new commotions. The other to reuard those, to 
whose loyalty and valoiir he was indebted for his success The 
former of these he accomplished by app<»inting Pedro de V'aldivia 
to prosecute tlie conquest of Chili 5 and by empowerina; Oie^ 
Centeno to undertake the discovery of the vast regions bordering 
on ihe river De la Plata: the reputation of these leaders, and the 
hopes of bettering their condition, allured many desperate sol- 
diers to follow their standards, and drained that part of the coun- 
try of a large portion of that inflammable mutinous spirit which 
Gasca dreaded. The latter was an attair of great difficulty. The 
claimants were very numeous, 

T'uat he night have leisure to weigh the comparative merits 
of their several claims, he retired with the archbishop of Lima to 
a village twelve leagues from Cuzco. There he spent several 
days ill allotiins; to each a district of land and a number of In- 
dians, in proportion to his idea of their past services. 

But that he might get bey{md the reach of the tierce storm of 
clamour and ra»e which he foresaw would burst out on^the publi- 
cation of the decree, he set out for Lima, leaving the instrument 
of partition sealed up, with orders not to open it for some days 
after his departure. As he expected, so it happened, but by his 
prudent management the discontented were appeased, and order 
was established. Having now accomplished every object of his 
mission, Gasca longed to return to a private station. He commit- 
ted the government of Peru to the court of audience, and set out 
for Spain, where he was received with universal applause. Men 
less enterprising and desperate, and more accustomed to move 
in the path of sober and peaceable industry, settled in Peru, and 
the royal authority v.as gradually established as firmly there, as 
in any other Spanish colonies. 



END OF TEE FIRST VOLUME. 



HISTORY OF AMERICA 



VOL. II. 



HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



COLUMBUS, in his third voyage, havins attained the great 
object of his ambition, by discoverins; the continent of America; 
his success produced a number of adventurers from all nations ; 
the year before this, Sebastian. Cabot, in the service of Henry 
the Seventh of England, discovered the Northern continent, of 
which it is intended now explicitly to treat. The questions which 
first present themselves to our notice are. From what part of the 
Old World has America been peopled ? and how accomplished ? 
Few questions in the history of mankind have been more agitated 
than these. Philosophers and men of learnina; and ingenuity, have 
been speculating upon them ever since the discovery of the Ame- 
rican Islands by Columbus. Bat notwithstanding all their labours, 
the subject still affords an ample field for the researches of the 
man of science, and for the fancies of the theorist. 

It has been long known that an intercourse between the old 
continent and America, mi2;ht be carried on with facility, from 
the north-wesl extremities of Europe and the north-east bounda- 
ries of Asia. In the year 982, the Norwegians discovered Green- 
land and planted a colony there. The communication with that 
country was renewed in the last century by Moravian missiona- 
ries, in order to propagate their doctrines in that bleak unculti- 
vated region. By them we are informed that the north-west coast 
of Greenland is separated from America by a very narrow strait; 
that at the bottom of the bay it is highly probable they are united ; 
that the Esquimeaux of America, perfectly resemble the Green- 
landers, in their aspect, dress, and manner of livings and that a 
Moravian missionary, well acquainted with the language of 
Greenland, having visited the country of (he Esquimeaux, found, 
to his astonishment, that they spoke the same language, and were, • 
in every respect, the same people. The same species of animals, 
are also found in the contigijous regions. The bear, the wolf, the 
fox, the hare, the deer, the roe-buck, and the elk, frequent the fo- 
rests of North Ameiica, as well as those in the north of Europe. 
Oiher discoveries have proved, that if the two continents of 
Asia and America be separated at all, it is only by a narrow 
strait. From this part of the old continent also, inhabitants may 
have passed into the new; and the reseuiblance between the In- 
dians of America and the eastern inhabitants of Asia, would in- 
duce us to conjecture, that they have a common orii^in. This 
opinion is adopted by the celebrated doctor Robertson, in his 
History of America. The more recent and accurate discoveries 
of that illustrious navigator, Cooke, and liis successor, Clarke,, 
hare brought the matter still nearer to a certtiia'v. 



4 HISTORY OF 

The sea, from the south of Behring's straits, to the crescent of 
isles between Asia and America, is very i^hallovv. It deepens 
from these straits (as the British seas do from those of Dover) 
till the soundings are lost in the Pacific Ocean ; bui that does not 
take place but to the south of the isles. Between them and the 
straits is an increase from 12 to 54 fathoms, except only of St, 
ThaddeusNoss, where there is a channel of a peater depth. 

From the voleanic disposition, it has been judi^ed probable, not 
only ihat there was a soparatitm of the continents at the straits 
of Behring, but that the whole space from the isles to the small 
opening, had once been occupied by land; and that tbe fury of 
the eatery elem.^nt, a«?tuated by that of fire, had in some remote 
times, subverted and overwhelmed the tract, and left the islands 
as njonuii.cntui fragments. 

There can he no doubt that our planet has been subject to 
great vicissitudes since the delup;e : ancient and mtulern historians 
confirm this truth, that lands aie now ploughed, over which ships 
formerly sailed ; and tliat they now sail over lands, which were 
formerly cultivated : eartiujuakes have swallowed some lands 
and subterraneous fires have thrown up others: the sea retreat- 
ing from its shores, has lengthened tbe land in some places, and 
encroaching upon it in oihers, has diminished it ; it has separated 
some territories, which were formerly united, and formed new 
bays and gulfs. 

llevolutions of this nature happened in the last century. Sicily 
was united to the continent of Naples, as Eubcea, now the Black 
sea, was to Bwotia. DiiKlorus, Strabo, and other ancient authors, 
say the same thing of Spain, and of Africa ; and affirm, that by 
a violent irruption of the ocean upon the land between the moun- 
tains of Abyla and Caipe, that comraunii-ation was broken, and 
the Mediterranean sea was formed. Amonjj the people of Cey- 
lon, there is a tradition, that a similar irruption of the sea, sepa- 
rated their island from the peninsula of India; the same thing 
is believed by those of Malabar, with respect co the Maldiviaii 
isles; and by the Malayans, with respect to Sumatra. 

The count de Button is certain, that in Ceylon the earth ha& 
lost 30 or 40 leagues, taken from it by tlie sea. The same author 
asserts, that Louisiana has only been formed by the mud of rivers. 
Pliny, Seneca, Diodorus, and others, report innumerable exam- 
ples of sin»ilar revolutions. 

In the strait which separates America from Asia, many islands 
are found, which are supposed to be ihe mountainous parts of land, 
formerly swallowed up by earthquakes; which appears the more 
probable, by the multitude of volcanoes, now known in the penin- 
sula ol Kamtscbatka. It is imagined, however, that the sinking 
of that land, and the separation of the two continents, has beeii 
occasioned by those great earthquakes, mentioned in the history 



AMEIIICA. If 

of the Amciicans: wliich formed an oera almost as memorable 
as that of the dchige. We can farm no conjecture of the timo 
mentioned in the histories of the Toltecas, or of the )'ear I. 
TecpatI, when that great calamity liappened. 

If a great earthquake should overwhelm the isthmus of Suez, 
and there should be at the sume (ime, as j^reat a scarcity of his- 
torians, as there were in the first age of the deluge, it would b(i 
doubted in three or four hundred years afler, whelher Asia had 
ever been united by that part to Africa; and many would firndy 
deny it. 

W'liether that groat event, the separation of the continents, 
took place before or alter the population of America, it is impos- 
sible to determine; but we are indebted to the above-mentioned 
navigators, for settling the long dispute about ihe point from 
vhich it was etfccted. Their obseivations prove, that in one 
place the distance between continent and continent is only thirty- 
nine miles: and ir« the middle of this narrow strait, there are 
two islands, which would greatly facilitate the passage of the 
Asiatics into the New World, supposing it took place in canoes, 
altr:- the convulsion which rent the two continents asunder. 

It may also be added, that these straits are, even in summer, 
often filled with ice ; in winter frozen over, so as to admit a pas- 
sage for mankind, and by which fjuadrupids might easily cross, 
and stock the continent, fjut where, from the vast expanse of th(; 
north-eastern woild, to fix on the first Iribcs who contributed to 
people the new continent, now inhabited from end to end, is a 
rnatlcr that has bafiied human reason. The learned may make 
bold and ingenious conjectures, but plain good sense cannot 
always accede to Ihem. 

As mankind increased in numbers, Ihey naturally protruded 
one another forward. Wars might be another cause of migra- 
tions. No reason appears, why the Asiatic north might not be an 
officina vivorum as well as the European. The overteeminf?; 
country to the east of the Uiphean mountains, must have found 
it necessary to discharge its inhabifants: the first great increase 
of people were forced forwards by the next to it; at Icn^rth 
reaching the utmost limits of ihe Old World, found a new one, 
v\ith auiple space to occupy unmolested for ages; till Columbus, 
in an evil hour for them, discovered their country ; v\ hich brou'>ht 
again new sins and new deaths to both worlds. It is impossible, 
vith the lights which we have so recently received, to adjnit, that 
America could receive its inhabitanis (that is the bulk of them) 
from any other place than eastern Asia. A few proofs may be 
added, taken from the customs or dresses, common to the inha- 
bitants of both worlds. Some have been long extinct in the old, 
©thers remain in bodi in lull force. 

The custom of scalping, was a barbarism in use with the Scy- 
V2 



6 HISTORY OF 

tliians, who carried about them at all times this savage mark of 
triumph. A little image found among the Kalmucs, of a Tarta- 
rian deity, mounted on ahorse, and sitting; on a human skin with 
scalps pendant from the breast, fully illustrates the custom of the 
ancient Scythians, as described by the Greek historian. This 
usage, we well know byjhorrid experience, is continued to this day 
in America. The ferocity of the Scythians to their prisoners, 
extended to the remotest part of Asia. The Kamtschatkans, 
even at the time of their discovery by the Russians, put their 
prisoners to death by the most lingering and excmtiating tor- 
ments; a practice now in full force among the aboriginal Ameri- 
cans. A race of the Scythians were named Anthropophagi, fronn 
their feeding on human flesh: ihe people of Nootka sound, still 
make a repast on their fellow creatures. 

The savages of North America have been known to throw the* 
mangled limbs of their prisoners into tlie horrible caldron, and 
devour them with the same relish as those of a quadruped. The 
Kanitschatkans in their marches never went abreast, but followed 
one another in the same track: the same custom is still observed 
by the uncultivated natives of North America. The Tungus*;, ths 
most numer^ms nation resident in Siberia, prick their shins with 
small punctures, in various shapes, with a needle: then rub theui 
with charcoal, so that the marks become indelible : this custom 
is still observed in several parts of South America. The Tungusi 
use canoes made of birch bark, distendi-d over ribs of wood, and 
nicely put together: the Canadian, and many other primitive 
American nations, use no other sort of boats. In fine, the con- 
jectures of the learned, respecting the vicinity of the Old and 
New world, are now, by the discoveries of late navigators, lost 
in conviction : and in the pUce of an imaginar}^ liypothesis, the> 
place of migration is almost incontr^vertibly pointed out. 

This vast country extends from the 80th degree of north lati- 
tude, to the 54th degree of south latitude ; and where its breadth 
is kn( wn, from the 35th to the I36th degree west lonjiitude from 
Lontion,, stretching between eight and nine thousand miles in 
length, and in its greatest breadth three thousand fix hundred and 
ninet) ; ii embraces both hemispheres; has two summers and a 
double \viriter,.and enjoys almost all the variety of climates, which 
the earth ailbi d*. It is v/ashed by two great oceans : to the east- 
vaidithas the Atlantic, which separates it from Europe and 
Afiica ; to the west it has the Pacific or Great South Sea, sepa- 
rating it from Asia. By these seas it carries on a direct com- 
merce V ilh all the other three parts of the World. 

Next to the extent of the New World, the grand objects which 
it presents to the view, mu^it forcibly strike the e} e of an observer. 
Nature seems to have carried on her operauons upon a larges 
^aie, aiidwitb a bolder hand, and to have distinguibhed the fea- 



AMERICA. y 

.tores of tiiis couatpy by a peculiar majinificencc. The mountains 
©f America are much suj)erior in height to those in the other di- 
visions of the globe. The most elevated point of the Andes in 
South America, according to Don Ulloa, is twenty thousand two 
hundred and eighty feet above the level of the sea; which is at 
least two thousand one hundred and two het, above the peak of 
TenerifFe, which is the highest known mountain in the ancient 
continent. 

From the lofty and extensive mountains of America, descend 
rivers, with which the streams of Europe, Asia, or Africa, are^ 
not to be compared, either for length, or for the vast bodies of 
water, which tliey pour into the ocean. The Danube, the Indus, 
the Ganges, or the Nile, are not of equal magnitude with the St. 
Lawrence, the Missouri, or the Mississ^i-ipi, in North America; 
or with tlie Maragnon, the Orinoco, or the La Plata, in South 
America. 

The lakes of the New World are not less conspicuous for gran- 
deur than its mountains and rivers. There is nothing in the other 
parts of the gbbe vUiich resemble the prodigious chain of lakes 
in North America; they might with propriety, be termed inland 
seas of fresh water; even those of the second or third class, in 
magnitude, are of larger circuit (the Caspian sea excepted) than 
the greatest lakeof the ancient continent. 

Various causes have been assigned for the remarkable differ- 
ence between the climate of the New continent and the Old. The 
opinion of the celebrated Dr. Robertson, on this subject, claims 
our attention. " Though the utmost extent of Ameiica towards 
<• the north, be not yet discovered, we know that it advances near- 
*' er the pole than either Europe or Asia. The latter have large 
"seas to the north, which are open during part of the year; and 
" even when covered with ice, the wind that blows over them 
** is less intensely cold, than that which blows over land in the 
"same latitudes. But in America, the land stretches from the 
" river St. Lawrence towards the pole, and spreads out immense- 
" ly to the west. A chain of enormous mountains, covered with 
"snow and ice, runs through all this dreary region. The wind? 
" passing over such an extent of high and frozen land, becomes; 
" so impregnated with cold, that it acquires a piercing keenness,, 
"which it retains in vts progress through warmer climates; and 
"is not entirely mitigated, until it reaches the guif of Mexico. 
" Over all the continent of North Ameiiea, a nonh- westerly wind' 
*' and excessively cold, are terms synonimous. Even in the most 
" sultry weather, the moment that the wind veers to that quarter, 
"its penetrating influence is felt in a transition from heai to cold 
" no less violent than sudden. To this powerful cause we may 
"ascribe tiie ex.raordinary dominion of cold, and is violent 
Jiaroads iato the southern provinces in that part of the globe.'' 



S HiSTOUY OF 

Of the nianncis and customs of the North Americans, thefol* 
IiHving is tlie raost consistent account that can be collected froni 
the bestiiiformod, and most impartial writers. 

When (he Europeans first arrived in Ameriea, thej found the 
In.dians qnite naked, except those parts which the most unculti- 
vated savt'.ges u-iually conceal. Since that time, however, they 
generally use a coarse blanket, uhich they obtain of the neigh- 
bouring planters, in CKcharjge for furs and other articles. Theic 
huts or cabins are made of stakes of wood driven into the ground, 
and covered with branches of trees or reeds. They lie on the 
floor, either on mats, or the skins of wild beasts. Their dishes 
are of wood, and their spoons of the sculls of wild oxen, and some- 
times of laurel, a hardy wood, very suitable for the purpose ; their 
knives and hatt hets are made <»f llirtt or other stone. A kettle, 
and a lar^e plate, constitute almovst the \\hole utensils of the fa- 
mily. 1 heir diet consists ehiflly on what they procure by hunt- 
ing; and sagamite, or pottage, is likevMse one of the most com- 
mon kinds of food. The most honourable furniture among them 
is a collection of the scalps ol their enemies : with these they or- 
nament their huts, N\hich are esteemed in proportion to the num- 
ber of this horrid sort of spoils. 

The character of the Indians, is only to be known by their cir- 
cumstances and way of passing through lif«. Constantly employ- 
ed in procuring a precarious subsistence,'by hunting wild animals, 
and often engaged in war, it cannot be expected, that they enjoy 
muehgaity of temper, or a high flow of spirits. '1 hey are there- 
fore generally grave, approaching to sadness : they have none of 
that giddy vivacitj, peculiar to some nations of Ki.rope, but des- 
pise it. Their behaviour lo those about them is regular, modest, 
and respectful. They seldom speak but when they have same- 
thing important to observe ; and all their actions, v\ords, and even 
looks are attended with some meaning. Their snl sistence de- 
ends entirely on what they procure with their hands : and their 
ives, their hr.nour, and every thing dear to them, ma} be lost by 
the smallest ina tention. to the designs of their enem.es As no 
particular ofcyect has power to attach them to oiie place, more than 
another, they govhcrever the necessaries of life can be pro- 
cured in the greatest abundance. The different tribes, or nations, 
ivhen compared with civilized societies, are extremely small. 
These tubes often live at an iimiense distance : they are sepa- 
rated by a deseit frontier, and hid in the bo>om of impenetrdble 
woods, hiid almost bt-undless forests^. 

There i> in each society, a ceitain kind of government which, 
with very little deviation, prevails over the whole continent: 
their manners and way of life, are nearly similar and uniform. 
An Iiulian has no method by which he can render himself eon- 
siUerable among hii companions; but by his personal accomplish- 



I 



I 



AMERICA. 9 

ments, either of hody or mind ; but as nature has not been verjr 
lavish in these dLstnictions, where all enjoy the same education, 
all are pretty much upon an equality, and will desire to rcaain 
so. Liberty is thereto, e the prevailing passion of the x\meiican 
Indians; and their government under the influence of this senti- 
ment, is perhaps better secured, tlian by the wisest political reg- 
ulafions. i'hey are very far, however, from despising all sort of 
authority : they are attentive to the voice of wisdom, which ex- 
perience has confirmed on the aged, and they enlist under the ban- 
ners of the chief, in whose valour and military address, they 
have learned to repose a just and merited confidence. 

Among ihose tribes which are most engaged in war, the povyer 
of the chief is naturally predominant ; because the idea of having 
a military leader was the first source of his superiority ; and the 
continued exigencies of the state requirifig such a leader, will en- 
hance it. His power, however, is rather persuasive than coercive, 
he is reverenced as a lather, rather than teaied as a monarch. He 
has no guards, no prisons, no officers of justice : and, one act of 
ill-judged violence vmII pull hint from his humble throne. 

The elders in the other form of government, which may be 
considered as a mild and nominal aristocrac)', have no more 
power. Age alone is sufficient for acquiring respect, influence, 
and authority; experience alone, is the only source of know- 
ledge among a savage people. 

Among the Indians business is conducted with the utmost sim- 
plieity, and recalls to those who are acquainted with antiquity, a 
lively representation of the early ages. The heads of families 
meet together in a house or cabin, appointed for the purpose : 
here the'^business is diseussed : and here those of the nation distin- 
guished tor their eloquence, or wisdom, have an opportunity ot 
displaying their talents. Their orators like those of Homer, ex- 
})ress themselves in a bold figurative style, more strong than re- 
fined, with gestures violent, but natural and expressive. When 
the business is over, and they happen to be well provided with 
food, they appoint a fnist upon the occasion, of which almost ihe 
whole naiion partake ; the feast is accompanied with a song, in 
which the exploits of their forefathers are celebrated. They have 
dances too, but chiefly of the military kind, like the Greeks and 
Romans, whieh inspire the younger with a martial spirit. 

To assist their memory they have belts of small shells (warn' 
'pumj or beads, of different colours, each representing a ditil-r- 
, ent object, whicli is marked by their colour or arrangement. At 
j the conclusion of every subject on which they discourse, when they 
I treat with a foreign state, they deliver one of those belts ; for, if 
] this ceremony should be omitted, all that they have said passes for 
nothing. These belts are carefully dt'posited in each town as the 
\ public records of the nation 5 and. to them they occasioiially have 



to HISTORY OF 

recourse, when any public contest happens with a neighbouring 
tribe. Of late, as the materials of which those belts are made 
have become scarce, thev often give some skin in the place of the 
wampum ; and receive in return, presents of a more valuable 
kind, from the commissioners appointed to treat with them ; for 
they never consider a treaty of anv weight, unless every article 
in it be ratified by some gratification. 

It sometimes happens, that those different tribes or nations, 
scattered as they are, at an immense distanee from one another, 
meet in their excursions whilst huntln*. If there subsist no ani- 
mosity between them, they behave in the most friendly and cour- 
teous manner ; but if ihey happen to be in a state of war, or, if 
there has been no previous intercourse between them, all who are 
not friends are deemed enemies, and they fight with the most 
savasje fury. 

^Var, hunting, and fishing, are the principal employments 
of the men; almost every other coneern is consigned to the 
women. 

The most prevailing motive with the Indians for entering into 
a war, if it does not arise from an accidental rencounter, is either 
to revenge themselves for the death of some lost friends, or to ac- 
quire prisoners, who mav assist them in their hunting^, and whom 
they adopt into their society. These wars are either undertaken 
by some private adventurers, or by the whole community. In the 
latter case, all the young men who des^ire to go out to battle (for 
no one is compelled contrary to his inclination) give a piece of 
vood to the chief, as a token of their design to accompany him. 
The chief who is to conduct the enterprise, fa«its several days, 
and carefully tbserves his dreams during that time: which the 
presumption natural to ravages mostly renders as favourable as he 
could desire. A variety of other supersiitious ceremonies arc- 
observed. 

Ihe war kettle is set on the fire, as an emblem that they are 
j^oing cut to devour their enemies; v hich among these nations, it 
is probah'e, was formerly the case : sirte they still continue to ex- 
press it in cle?r term.s. and use an emblem significant of the an- 
cient usage. Then they despatch a cup or large shell to their al- 
lies : invitii.5: them to join in the destruction of their eriemies.ard 
drink tl eir blood : for like the arcient Grcf ks, they thii.k that 
tho*.e in tli eir alliance, n.ust not only adopt their quarrels, but that 
t^ey mu^i .I'tso ha\e their rf seniments wound up to the same high, 
pitch with tliemseUes. 

There are no people who carry their friendships or resent- 
ments so far as tliev do; this naturally results from their pecu- 
liar circumstaiices. Tl e Amei icans live in snail societies, accus- 
tomed '0 see but few objects and few persons : to be deprived of 
ihcse objects to which they are so closely attached, renders them 



AiMERICA. a 

TOiserable. Their ideas are too confined to enable them to enter- 
tain just sentiments of humanity, or universal benevolence. But 
this very circumstance, while it makes them cruel and savai^e to 
an incredible deju;ree, towards those with whom they are at war, 
adds a new force to their particular friendships, and to the com- 
mon tie which unites the members of the same tribe, or those in 
alliance with them. 

Without attending to this reflection, some facts which immedi- 
ately follow would excite our wonder, without informing our rea- 
son'; and we would be bewildered in a number of particulars, 
seemingly opposite to one another, without being sensible of the 
general cause from which Ihej proceed. 

Having finished all the ceremonies previous to the war, and the 
appointed day for setting; out on their expedition has arrived, they 
lake leave of their friends, and exchange their clothes, or what- 
ever moveables they have, in token of mutual friendship ; after 
which they proceed from the town, their wives and female rela- 
tions, walking before, and attending them to some distance. The 
warriors march dressed in all their finery, and most showy appa- 
rel without any order. The chief walks slowly before them, sing- 
in,^ the war song : while the rest observe the most profound silence. 
When they come up to their women, they deliver to them all their 
ornaments, and putting on their worst clothes, proceed on their 
expedition. 

Every nation has its peculiar ensign or standard, which is gen- 
erally a representation of some beast, bird, or fish. Those 
among the Five Nations, are the bear, otter, wolf, tortoise, and 
eagle, and by those names the tribes are usually distinguished. 
They have the figures of those animals pricked and painted on 
several parts of their bodies : and when they march through the 
woods, they commonly, at every encampment, cut the representa- 
tion of their ensign on trees, especially after a successful cam- 
paign : marking at the same time, the number of scalps and pri- 
soners they have taken. 

Their military dress is very singular: the cut off, or pull out, 
all their hair, except a spot about the breadth of two crown- 
pieces near the top of their heads, and entirely destroy their eye 
brows: the lock left upon their heads, they divide into several 
parcels : each of which is stitFened and adorned with wampum, 
beads, and feathers of various kinds ; the whole twisted into a 
form resentbling the modern poinpoon. Their heads are painted 
!red down to the eyes, and sprinkled over with white <lown. The 
gristles of their ears are split almost round, and distended with 
[wire or splinters, so as to meet and tie together at the nape of 
the neck : these are also hung with some ornamnjents, and gene- 

fally bear the representation of sonie bird or beast. Their noses 
re likewise bored, and hang with trinkets or beads, and thcii; 



12 HISTORY OF 

facps painted with various colours, so as to make an awful ap- 
pfarance. Their breasts are adorned with a gorget or medal 
of bra.-^^, copper, or some other metal 5 and ihe scalping knife 
feano;s by hi string^ f'om fhe neck. 

The mos< approved qualities amonfij Indians in war are vigi- 
lance ripd atteiitiim, to execute and avoid surprize ; and indeed, 
in these arts they are snpt^rior to all other nations in the world. 
Accustomed to a continual wandering in the forests, their concep- 
tions sharpened by keen neeessity, and living in every respect ac- 
cording t«» narure, their external senses have a degree of acute- 
ness which at first view appears incredible. They can trace out 
tVeir eoemies at an isiimense distance, by the smoke of their 
fires which they smell, and by the tracks of their feet upon the 
ground, impe'ceptible to an European eye, but which they can 
count with facility. It is said they can even distinguish the dif- 
ferent ratioii>i to which they belong, and deternnne the precise 
time in which they passed ; when an European with the aid of 
glasses s-ould not discover the least trace of a foot step. These 
circumstances are of less importance as their savage enemies are 
equally well acquainted with them. 

When they go out, therefore, they take care to avoid making 
use of any thing that might lead to a dis<'overy. They light no 
fire to warm themselves, or to prepare their victuals : they lie 
close to the ground during the day, when they draw near the re- 
sidence of their enemies, and travel only in the night, and march- 
ing along in files ; he that closes the rear, carefully covers the 
tracks of his own feet, and those who preceeded him w ith leaves. 
When they halt to refresh themselves, scouts are sent out to re- 
connoitre the c<.untry, and beat up every place vihere they sus- 
pect an enemy lies concealed. 

In this manner they enter unawares the villages of their foes; 
and while the flower of the nation are engaged in hunting, massa- 
cre all the children, women and helpless old men; or make pri- 
soners of as many as they can manage, or have strength enough 
to be useful to their nation. But when the enemy is apprized of 
their design, and coming on in arms against them, they throw 
themselves flat on the ground among the withered herbs ancj I 
leaves, whi^h their faces are painted to resemble They then al- ' 
low a part to pass unn olested, when all at once, with a tremen- ; 
dous sh<»ut. rising up ftom their an bush, they pour a storm of ar* 1 
rows or musket bullets upon their foes. ! 

The party attacked, returns the same cry : every one shelters 
himself with a tiee, and returns the fire of he adverse party, as 
soon as they raise then-selves from the ground to give a sec<»nd j 
fire. Thus does the battle continue, until the one party is so much 
veakened, as to be incapable of further lesij-tance. But if the 
force on each side continues nearly equal, the fierce spirits of the 



AMERICA. 13 

savages, inflamed by the loss of their friends, can no longer be re- 
str ined. They abandon their distant war, and rush upon one ano- 
ther with clubs and hatchets in their hands, magnifying their own 
courage, and insulting their enemies with the bitterest reproaches, 
A cruel combat ensues, death appears in a thousand hideous forms, 
which would congeal the blood of civilized nations to behold ; hut 
which rouses the fury of savages. Tbey trample, they insult 
over the dead bodies, and tear the scalp from tbehead. The flame 
continues to rage till resistence ceases ; then they secure the pri- 
soners, whose fate, if men. are a thousand times more unhappy 
than those who died in the field. The conquerors set up a hide- 
ous yell to lament the friends they have lost. 

They approach in a melancholy severe gloom, to their ovvn vil- 
lage; a messenger is sent to announce their arrival, and the 
women with frightful shrieks, come out to mourn their dead bro- 
thers, or their husbands. When they are arrived, the chief re- 
lates in a low voice, to the elders, a circumstantial account ot 
every particular of the expedition. The orator then proclaims 
this account aloud to the people; and as he mentions the names 
of those who have fallen, the shrieks of the women are re- 
doubled. 

The men too join in these cries, according as each is most con- 
nected with the deceased, by blood or friendship. The las* cer- 
emony is the proclamation of victory; each individual then for- 
gets his private misfortunes, and joins in the triumph of his na- 
tion; all tears are wiped from their eyes, and by an unaccounta- 
ble transition, they pass in a moment from the Bitterness of sor- 
row to an extravagance of joy. 

But the manner in which they treat their prisoners, is the chief 
characteristic of the savages. The friendly affections whicli 
glow with an intense warmth within the bounds of their own vil- 
lages, seldom extend beyond them. They feel nothing for the 
enemies of their nation liut an implacable resentment. I'he pri- 
soners, who have themselves the same feelinj^s, know the inten- 
tions of their conquerors, and are prepared fir them. The persoa 
who has taken the captive, attends him to the cottage, where, ac- 
cording to the distribution made by the elders, he is to be deliver- 
ed to supply the loss of a relative. If those who receive him have 
their family weakened by war or other accidents, ihey adopt the 
captive into the fa nily. But if they have no occasion for him, or 
their resentment for the loss of their friends be too high to endure 
the sight of any connected with those who were concerned in it, 
they sentence him to death. All those who have met with the 
same severe sentence being collected, the whole nation is assem- 
bled at die execution as for some great solemnity. A scaffold is 
erected and the prisoners are tied to a stake, where they begin 
their death song, and prepare for the ensuing scene of cruelty, 

Q 



14 HISTORY OF 

with the most undaunted courage. Their enemies on the other 
side, are determined to put it to the proof, by the most cruel and 
exquisite tortures. 

They begin at {he extremity of his body, and gradually approach 
his more vital parts ; one plucks out his nails by the roots, one by 
one ; and another takes a finger into his mouth and tears otl'the ttesh 
with his teeth ; a third thrusts the mangled finger into the bowl 
of a pipe made red hot, which he smokes like tobacco; then they 
pound his toes and fingers to pieces betw een two stones ; they cut 
circles about his joints, and gashes in the fleshy parts of his limbs, 
which they sear immediately with red hot irons, cutting, burning, 
and pinching them alternately ; they pull oft'his flesh thus manjiled 
and roasted, bit by bit, devouring it with greediness, and smear- 
inaj their faces with the blood ; their passions encreasing in horror 
and fury, they proceed to twist the bare nerves and tendons about 
an iron, tearing and^snapping them, while others are employed in 
pulling and extending the limbs in every direction so as to in- 
crease the torment. This continues often five or six hours, and 
sometimes (such is the constitutional strength of the savages.) for 
days together. Then they frequently unbind him, to give a breath- 
ing to their fury, to think what new tortures they shall inflict, and 
to refresh the strength of the sufferer, who, wearied out with such 
a variety of unheard of torments, often falls into so profound a 
sleep that they apply the fire to awake him, and renew his suf- 
ferings. He is again fastened to a stake, and again they renew 
their cruelty: they stick him all over with matches of a wood 
that easily takes fire, and burns but slowly, they run sharp reeds 
into every part of his body, they drag out his teeth with pincers, 
and thrust out his eyes ; and lastly, having burned his flesh from 
his bones with slow fiies, after having mangled his body in the 
most shocking manner, and so nmtilated his face that nothing hu- 
man appears in it, after having peeled the skin from the head, 
and poured a heap of red hot coals or boiling water on the naked 
scull, they once more unbind the miserable victim ; who, blind and 
staggering with pain and weakness, is assaulted on every side with 
clubs and stones, and fa' ling into their fires at every step, until 
one of the chiefs, out of compassion, or weary of cruelty, puts an 
end to his life by a club or dagger. The body is then put into a 
kettle, and this inhuman and horrid employment is succeeded by 
a feast as barbarous. 

The women, forgetting the human as well as the female nature, 
surpass the men in cruelty, and act like furies while this scene of 
horror is going on : the principal persons of the nation sit around 
the stake looking on, and smoking their pipes without the least 
emotion. But what is most extraordinary, the sufferer himself, in 
the little intervals of his torments, smokes, appears unconcerned, 
and converses with his tormentors about inUitferent matters. Dur- 



AMERICA. 15 

ing the whole time of his execution, there seems a contest which 
shall succeed ; they by inflicting the most horrid pains, or he, by 
enduring them with a firmness and constancy almost above hu- 
man ; not a sigh, not a groan, not a distortion of countenance, 
escapes him : he possesses his mind entirely in the midst of his 
torments : he recounts his own exploits : he informs them of the 
cruelties he has committed uj>on their countrymen, and threatens 
them with the revenge that will attend his death ; that they were 
old women who knew not how to put a warrior to death ; and 
though his reproaches exasperate them to madness, he continues 
to insult them with their ignorance in the art of torinentini; ; 
pointing out himself more exquisite methods, and more sensible 
parts of the body to be afflicted. Tiie women have this part of 
courage as well as the men, and it is as rare for an Indian to be- 
have otherwise, as it would be for an European to suffer as an 
Indian. 

Such is the wonderful power of an early intuition, and a feroci- 
ous thirst of glory. ** 1 am brave and intrepid," says the savage 
in the fiice of his tormentors, " I neither fear death nor torments; 
*' those who fear them are cowards; they are less than women : 
*' life is nothing to those who have courage ! may my enemies be 
<' confounded with despair and rage : oh I that I could devour 
" them and drink their blood to the last drop." But neither the 
intrepidity on one side, nor the inflexibility on the other, are mat- 
ter of astonishment ; for vengeance and fortitude, in the midst of 
torments, are duties considered with them as sacred : they are 
the effects of their earliest education, and depend upon princi- 
ples instilled into them from their infancy. 

On all other occasions they are humane and compassionate. 
Nothing can exceed the warmth of their affection towards their 
friends, who consist of all those who live in the same village, or 
^re in alliance with them; atnong these all things are common; 
their houses, their provisions, and their most valuable articles are 
not withheld from a friend; has any one of these had ill success 
in hunting, his harvest failed, or his house burned, he feels no 
other effect of his misfortune, than it gives him an opportunity to 
experience the benevolence and regard of his associates. On the 
other hand the Indian, to the enemy of his country orhis tribe, or 
to those who have privately offended him, is implacable, lie con- 
ceals his sentiments ; he appears reconciled, until by some treach- 
ery or surprise, he has an opportunity of executing a horrible re- 
venge. No length of time is suflicient to allay his resentment; 
no distance of place great enough to protect the object; he crosses 
the steepest mountains, he pierces the most impenetrable forests, 
and traverses the most dismal swamps and deserts, for several 
hundreds of miles, bearing the inclemency of the season, the fa- 
tigue of the expedition, the extremes of hunger and thirst, with 



16 HISTORY CF 

patience and cheerfulness, in hope of surprising his enemy, on 
whom he exercises the most shocking barbarities, even to the 
eating of his flesh. To such extremes do the Indians extend their 
friendship and their enmity ; and such indeed is the character of 
all strong nncultivated minds. 

The treatment of their dead sliows, in glowing colours, the 
strength of their friendship, and warm attachment to their de- 
parted friends. "VMien any one of the society is cut off. he is la- 
mented by the whole ; on this occasion a variety of ceremonies 
are performed. The body is washed, annointed, and painted. 
Then the w(.men lament the loss with hideous howlins,s, inter- 
mixed with songs, which celebrate the great actions of the de- 
ceased and his ancestors. The nfcn mourn also, though in a less 
extravagant manner. The whole village is present at the inter- 
ment, and the corpse is habiied in their most sumptuous orna- 
ments. Close to the body of i\\e deceased are placed his bow and 
arrovvs, and other weapons of war, with whatever he valued most 
in his lifeiime, and a quantity of jirovisions for his subsistence on 
the journey which he is supposed to take. The solemnity, like 
every other, is attended with feasting. The funeral being ended, 
the relations of the deceased confine themselves to their huts, for 
a considerable time, to indulge their grief. After an interval of 
some weeks, they visit the grave and repeat their sorrow, new 
clothe the remai.ns of the body, and act over again all the solem- 
nities of the funeral. 

The most remarkable funeral ceremony is what they call the 
feast of the dead, or the feast of souls. The day for this ceremo- 
ny is appointed in the assembly of their chiefs, who give the ne- 
cessary orders for every thing that may conduce to the pomp and 
magnificence of its celebration ; and the neighbouring nations are 
invited to partake of the entertainment. At this time, all who have 
died since the preceding feast of the kind, are taken out of their 
graves : even those who have been intered at the greatest dis- 
tance from the villages, are diligently looked for, and conducted 
to this general rendez.vous of the dead, which exhibits a scene of 
horror beyond the power of description. When the feast is con- 
cluded, the bodies are drest in the finest skins which can be 
procured, and after being exposed for some time in this pomp, 
are again committed to the earth, with great solemnity, which is 
succeeded b}' funeral games. 

Their taste for war, the most striking characteristic of an In- 
dian, gives a strong bias to their religion. The god of war whomi 
they call Areskoui, is revered as the great god of their people. 
Him they invoke before they go into the field. Some nations wor- 
ship the sun and moon, as symbols of the power of the great spi- 
rit. There are amonjr them traditions of the creation of the 
world, of Noah's flood, &c. Like all rude nations they are strong- 



AMERICA, IT 

ly addicted to superstition. They believe in the existence of a 
number of good and bad genii, or spirits who interfere in the af- 
fairs of mortals, and produce all our happiness or misery. It is 
from the evil genii in particular, they imagine all our diseases 
proceed, and it is to the good genii to whom we are indebted for a 
cure. Their priests or jugglers are supposed to be inspired by 
the good genii in their dreams, with the knowledge of future 
events; they are called in to the assistance of the sick, and are 
supposed to know the event, and in what way they must be treat- 
ed. But these spirits appear to be extremely simple in their sys- 
tem of physic : in almost every disease they prescribe the same 
remedy. The patient is enclosed in a narrow cabin, in the midst 
of M'hich a large stone is made red hot ; on this they throw wa- 
ter, the steam produces a profuse sweat, they then hurry him 
from this hot bath, and plunge him instantly into the adjacent 
creek or river. This method, although it costs many their liveS| 
often performs many remarkable cures. 

They are known, howeser, to have considerable knowledge in 
the vegetable kingdom, and the white inhabitants are indebted to 
them for the knowledge of many powerful plants as restoratives, 
and antidotes to the poison of reptiles, with which the woods, in 
tnany parts of America, abound. 

Although the Indian women generally bear' the laborious part of 
domestic economy, their condition, at least among the tribes of 
North America, is far from being so wretched, so slavish and de- 
pressed, as has been represented by Dr. Robertson and other 
writers. " Their employment (says Dr. Barton, ^ is chiefly in 
their houses, except when they are raising their crops of maize, or 
Indian corn, at which times they generally turn out to assist their 
husbands and parents, but they are not compelled to do this.'* 
«' Vou may depend on my assertion (says the same gentleman, who 
had ample opportunities of being informed of the customs and 
manners of the Indians) that there are no people any where who 
love their women more than these people do, or men of better un- 
derstanding, in distinguishing the merits of the opposite sex, or 
men more faithful in rendering suitable compensation. They are 
courteous and polite to their women, tender, gentle and fond even 
loan appearance of effeminacy. An Indian man seldom attempts 
to use a woman of i ny description with indelicacy, either of ac- 
tion or lanojuage." I wish we could with propriety adopt the same 
language when speaking of the young men of the present age, 
who would think it a disparagement to be compared with the un- 
tutored savage of the wilderness. 

In the hunting seasons, that is, in autumn and winter, when 
the men are out in the forest, the whole care of the house or fami- 
ly rests upon the women; at these times they undergo much care, 
and fatigue, such as cutting wood, &c. but this labour is in part re- 



18 ^v HISTORY OF 

lieved by the old men, W'IA)se vigour is so far diminished as not to 
be able to sustain the fatigue of hunting, or the toHs of \maitia1 
achievements. But nothing shows the importance aud respecta- 
bility of the women among the Indians, more than that custom 
many of the tribes are in, of letting their women preside in the 
councils of their country : to this we may add, that several of the 
Florida nations have at different times, been governed by the 
wisdom and the prudence of female caziques. 

Liberty in its fullest extent, being.'the darling passion of the 
Indians, their education is directed in;Such a manner as to cherish 
this disposition to the utr|ost. Hence^ their children are never 
chastised with blows,^ and they are seldom even reprimanded. 
Reason, they say, will guide their children when they come to 
the use of it, anil befor© that time their fauljs cannot be very great. 
But blows might damp their fierce and juartial spirit, by the 
habit of a slavish moti've to action. When grown up diey expe- 
rience nothing likecorfimand, dependence or subordination ; even 
strong persuasion is carefully avoided by those of influence among 
them. No man is held 'in £^reat esteem, unless he has increased 
the strength of his country with a captive^ or adorned his hut 
with a scalp of one of^his enemies. ^ v 

Controversies amoiT^the Indians are few, and- quickly decided. 
When any criminal matter is so flagrant as to become a national 
concern, it is brought under the jurisdiction of the great council 5 
but in common cases the parlies settle the dispute between them- 
selves. If a murder be committed, the family which has lost a 
relation prepares to retaliate on that of the offender. Ihey often 
kill the murderer ; and when this happens (which is but seldom) 
the kindred of the last person slain, look upon themselves as 
much injured, and to have the same right toj vengeance, as the 
other party. 

It is common, however, for the offender to absent himself; the 
friends send compliments of condolence to those of the person who 
has been murdered. The head of the family a.t length appears, 
with a number of presents, the delivery of v/hiA, he accompanies 
with a formal speech :.the whole ends as usISal in mutual feast- 
ings, in songs and in dances. \i the murder is committed by one 
of the same family or cabin, that family has the full right of judg- 
ment within itself ; either to punish the guilty with death, or to 
pardon him; or to oblige him to give some recompetise to the 
wife and children of the deceased. Instance* of this kind are 
very rare, for their attachment to those of the same family, is so 
remarkably strong, that it may vie with the most celebrated 
friendships of fabulous antiquity. 

Such, in general, are the customs and manners of the Indians. 
But almost every tribe has something peculiar to itself. Among 
the Hurons and the Natchez^, the dignity of the chief is said 



AMERICA. 19 

to be hereditarj, and the right of succession in the/female line. 
When this happens to be extinct, the most repu^le matron of 
the tribe, we are informed, makes a choice of vV-nom she pleases 
to succeipd. 

The Gherokees are goverr.ed by several sachems, or chiefs, 
elected b}* the different villages, as are also the Creeks and the 
Chactaws : the two latter punish adultery in a woman ^[V cutting 
off her hair; which ihey will not suffer to grow, until corn is ripe, 
the next season ; but the Illinois, for the same crime, cut off the 
nose and ears. 

The Indians on the upper lakes are formed into a sort of em- 
pire. The emperor is elected from the eldest tribe, which is the 
Ottawawas ; this authority is very considerable. A few years ago, 
the person who held this rank, formed a design of uniting all the 
Indian nations under his sovereignty; but this bold attempt 
proved unsuccessful. 

In general, the Indians of America live to a great age, although 
it is difficult to obtain from them an exact account of the number 
of their years. It was asked of one, who appeared extemely old, 
what age he was of. I am about twenty, said he; but, upon put- 
ting the question in a differt-Mt manner, and reminding him of for- 
mer times, and some particular circumstanees, my machee, said 
he, spoke to me when I was young, of the Incas: and he had 
seen those princes. According to this reply, there «iust have 
elapsed from the date of his machee's. or grandfather's, remem- 
brance to that time SS-S yeat s. The Indian who made this reply, 
appeared to be 120 years of age : for besides the whiteness of hair 
and beard, his body was almost bent to the ground; without 
shoNung any other mark of debility, or suffering. This happened 
in 1764. 

This longevity, and state of uninterrupted health, is thought bj 
some to be the consequence in part of their vacancy from all serf- 
ous tlioughl and employment; joined also with their robust tex« 
ture, and formation of their bodily organs. Were the Indians to 
abstain from spiritous liquors, and their destructive wars, of all 
races of men who inhabit the globe, they would be the most likely 
to extend the bounds and enjoyments of animal life to their ut- 
most duration. 

Before we take our leave of the Indian natives, let us attend to 
some other accounts which will set their character in a more 
clear and strong point of view, and rescue it fn)m that degrada- 
tion and obscurity, in which some Spanish historians have en- 
deavoured to envelope it. "^ 

Their friendships are strong, and faithful to the last extremity; 
of which no further proof need be adduced, than the following 
anecdote of the late colonel Byrd, of Virginia, who was sent to the 
Cherokee nation, to transact some business with them. It happen- 



so HISTORY OF 

ed tliat some of our disorderly people had just killed one or f wo 
of that nation. It was tlierefore proposed in fheir council, that 
colonel Byrd should be put to death, in revenge for the loss of their 
eountrYiuan. Anmng them was a chief called Silouee, who, on 
some former oceasirm,had contracted an acquaintance and friend- 
ship with colonel Byrd. He came to him every night in his tent, 
and to\d him not to be afraid for they should not kill him. After 
many days deliberation, contrary to Silouee's expectations, the 
determination of the council was, that Byrd should be put to death, 
and some warriors were despatphed as executioners. Silouee at- 
tended them, and when they entered the tent, he threw himself 
between them and Byrd, and said to the warriors, " This man is 
" my friend: before you get at him you must kill me.'^ (^n which 
they returned, and tlie council respected the principle so much 
as to recede from their determination. 

Of their bravery and address in war, we have had sufficient 
proofs; of their eminence in oratory we have fewer examples, 
because it is chiefly displayed in their own councils. One. how- 
ever, we have of superior lustre: the speech of Lo2;an, a Mingoe 
chief, to Lord Dunmore, when governor of Virginia, at the close 
of a war in which the iShawanese, Mingoes, and Delawares were 
united. The Indians were defeated by the Virginia militia, and 
sued for peace. Logan, however, disdained io bo amonjj the sup- 
pliants; but lest the sincerity of a tre>vty should be distrusted 
fio»n which so distinguished a chief ab>t'!^.ted himself, he sent by 
a mejisenger, the following speech to L ini Dunmore: '•! appeal 
*'to any white man to say if he ever entered Logan's cabin hun- 
** gry, and he gave hi«n not meat : If ever he came cold and naked, 
*»and he clothed him not. During tl^e c<*urse of the last long and 
<• bloody war, liOgan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for 
** peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen, 
**as they passed, pointed and said, 'Logan is the friend of the 
** whitemen.' 1 had even thought to have lived with you, but for 
** the injuries done by one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, ia 
*' cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, 
"not even sparing my women and children. There runs not a 
** drop of my blood in the veins of any liviMU creature. This cali- 
*• ed on me for revenge. I have sought it ; I have killed many ; 
*' 1 have fully glutted my vengeance; for my country I rejoice at 
** tlie heaui.^ of peace ; but do not harbour a thought that mine is 
*'thejoy of fear; liOgan never knew fetir; He will not turn on his 
" heel to >>ave his life. Who is lefi to n.ourn for Logan .^ not 
<'one" 

Another anecdote in favour <'f the Ijidlan cliaracter, related by 
Doctor Benjamin Fraiiklin. <lesor\e.s a place in this history. 
Conrad \\ eiser, a celebrated ir^terpreter of Indian languages, who 
had been naturalized anioiii^tiie >ix NaJions, and spoke the Ma- 

r>lr I'.) iKf iiQo'a «i-i>ll ir>-ifo hVoiiLIiii iltu foll.tti irtir !)/^/<<iiinf 



AMERICA. 21 

He was sent by our siovernor on a messajsie to the council at 
Onondago; he cfifled at the habitation of Canassetago, an old ac- 
quaiiifance, who embraced him, spread furs for him to sit on, 
placed before him some boiled beans and venison, and mixed some 
rum and water for his drink; when he was well refreshed, and 
bad lighted his pipe, Canassetago bee;an to converse with him; 
asked how he had fared the many years since they had seen each 
other; whence he came, and what had occasioned his journey, 
&c. Conrad answer^ed all his questions, and when the discourse 
began to flag, the Indian, to continue it, said, *» Conrad, you have 
" lived loni; amons: the white people, and know something of their 
** customs: I have been sometimes at Albany, and have observed 
"that once in seven days they shut up their shops, and all assem- 
" ble in the great house; tell me what it is for, and v/hat it is 
" they do there." 

"They meet there," says Conrad, "to hear and learn good 
*' things." " I do not doubt," said the Indian, " that they tell you 
"so, for they have told me the same ; but I doubt the truth of what 
*' they say, and I will tell you my reasons. I went lately to Albany 
<*to sell my skins and buy blankets, knives, powder, rum,&c. You 
<<know I generally used to deal with Hans Hanson; but I was a 
<* little inclined this time to try some other merchants. However, 
*' I called first upon Hans, and asked him what he would give for 
** beaver. He said he would not give more than four shillings a 
" pound, but (says he) I cannot talk on this business now, this is 
" the day we meet together to learn good things : and I am going 
'*to the meeting. So I thought to myself, since I cannot do any 
" business to-day, I may as well go to the meeting too : and I went 
" with him. There stood up a man in black, and began to talk to 
"the people very angrily. I did nut understand what he said; 
*' but perceiving he looked much at me and at Hanson, I imagined 
"he was angry at seeing me there; so I went out, sat down near 
*' the house, struck fire and lit my pipe, waiting till the meeting 
"should break up. I thought too that the man had mentioned 
<*so nething about beaver, and suf;pected that it might be the sub- 
**ject of their meeting. So when they came out — • Well, Hans,' 
<' says I, * I hope you have agreed to give me more than four shil- 
** lings a pound.' ' No,' says he, ' 1 cannot give so much, I cannot 
"give more than three shillings and six pence.' I tlien spoke to 
<* several other dealers, but they all sung the same song, three 
<*and six pence, three and six pence. This made it clear to me, 
*^ that my suspicion was right; and whatever ihey pretended 
" meeti/ig to learn good things, the real purpose was to consult 
"how to cheat the Indians in the price of beaver. Consider but a 
"little, Conrad, and you must be of my opinion. If they met so 
''often to learn good things, they certainly would have learned 
'* some before this time. But they are still ignorant. You knovy 



22 HISTORY OF 

"our practice, if a white man, travelling through our country, 
" enters one of our eabns, Ave all treat hini, as I treat } ou ; we 
^^diy him if he is uet, we warm him if he is cold, and give him 
** n eat and drink, that he may sati.st) his thir^t and hunj^er; and 
<* we spread soft furs for him' to re^t and sleep upon ; we de- 
"mand nothing in return. But if I go into a white man's house in 
*< Albany, and ai^k for victuals and drink, they ask, where is your 
" monejPand if I have none: thej sayget out vou Indian dog! You 
"see they have not learned those little good things, that we need 
" no meetings to be instructed in, because our mothers laught 
*'them to us when we weie children; and therefore, it is impossi- 
" ble their meetirigs should be as they say, for anj such purpose, 
^' or have any such effect; they are only to contrive the cheating 
"of Indians in the pi ice of their beaver." 

I appeal to e\evy sensible professor of Christianity, if there is 
rot more force in the reasoning of this unlettered "inhabitant of 
the wilderness, than in manv of the elaborate discourses of the 
learned divines amongst us, though embellished with all the trap- 
pings of modern elocu ion, 

1 shall close the Indian character with a short extract, with 
some small va'iations. fiom a letter of the justly celebrated Wil- 
liam Penn, the founder of Pennsylvania ; who, in the early part 
of the settlement of America, had an opportunity of observing 
their custom and manner of life, before they had* been changed 
by so frequent an intercourse wiih Kuropeans, He describes their 
persons, munners, language, religion, and government, in the fol- 
lowing manner. "They are generallj tall, straight, «ell built, 
and of singular proportion ; tliey tread strong aiid clever, and 
mostly walk with a lofty chin : of couiplexion. bl0^^n as the gyp- 
sies ir> England. They grease themselves with bear's fat claritied ; 
and using no defence against the sun and ueatr;er, their skins must 
needs be swarthy. Their eyes are little and black, not unlike a 
strait-looked Jew. I have seen as comly Euro; ean-like faces 
among them, as on yonr side of the sea. An Italian complexion 
hath not much more of the w bite ; and the nose;* ()t many of them 
have as much of the Roman. Their language is lofty, yet narrow : 
but, like the Hebrew, in signification, full; like short hand in 
writing, one word serveth in the place of three, and the rest are 
supplied by the understanding of the hearer. Imperfect in their 
tenses, wanting in their moods, participles, adverbs, conjunctions, 
and interjections: I have made it my business to understand it, 
that I might not want an interpreter on any occasion; and I must 
say that I know not a language spoken in Europe, that hath *\ords 
of more sweetness or greatness in accent and emphasis than 
theirs. 

Their children, as soon as they are born, are washed in water, 
and while young they plunge them into rivers in cold weather, to 



AMERICA. ^3 

harden and embolden them. Having wrapt them in a clout, 
thev lay them on a straight thin board, a little more than the 
length and breadth of the child, and swaddle it fast upon the 
board, to make it straight, and thus they carry them at their 
backs. The children will walk when very yonng. at nine months 
commonly : they wear only a clout round their waist, till ihey are 
grown up : if boys, they go a fishing till ripe for the woods, which 
IS about fifteen; they then hu!it; and after having a:iven some 
proofs of their manhood, by a good return of skins, they may 
marry: otherwise it is a shatne to thirik of a wif». The girls stay 
with their mothers, and help to hoe the ground, plant corn, and 
carry burdens When the young women are fit for marriage, 
they wear something on their heads for advertisement, but so as 
their faces are hardly to be seen, except when they please. 

Their houses are made of poles stuck in the ground, covered 
with mats and bark, in the fashion of an English barn ; their beds 
are reeds, grass, or skins. If an Europe in comes to see them, or 
calls for lodging at their house or wigwam, they give him the best 
place, and first cut. If they come to visit the white inhabitants, 
their salutation is commonly, Itah! which is as much as to say, 
good be to you ! and set them down, which is mostly on the 
ground; sometimes not speaking a word, but observe all that 
passes. If you give them any thinu to eat or drink, it is well, for 
they will not ask; and, if it be little or much, if it be with kind- 
ness, they are well pleased: else they go away sullen, but say 
nothing. In liberality they excel : nothing is too good for their 
friend. Light of heart, strong affections, but soon spent: they 
are the most merry creatures that live ; they feast and dance per- 
petually; they never have much nor do they want much. If they 
are ignorant of our pleasures, they are free from our pains. We 
sweat and toil to live; their pleasure fecils them; I loean their 
hunting, fishing and fowling; and their table is spead every 
where: they eat twice a day, morning and evening. In sickness 
impatient to be cured, and for it give any thing, especially to their 
children, to whom they are exire nely natural. 

They are great concealers of their own resentments. A tra- 
gical instance fell out hince 1 cu^.e inio the country :— A king's 
daughter thinking herself slighted by her husband, in suffering 
another woman to lie down between them, rose up, went out, 
plueked a root out of the ground and ate it; upon which she im- 
mediately died :-and for which, he, some time after, made an of- 
fering to her kindred, for att(mement and liberty of marriage: 
as two others did to the knuired of their wives, that died a na- 
tural death. For until the v>idovvers have done so they must not 
marry again. 

They believe in God ajid immortality, without i\\e help of 
metaphysics} for Ihey say :^** There is a great King that made 



24 HISTORY OF 

•*them, who dwells in a glorious country to the southward c^ 
" them, and the souls of the good shall go thither, where they shall 
"live again.-' Their worship consists of i wo parts, vi/.. Sacri- 
fice and Cantico. Their sacrifice is the first fruits: the first and 
fattest buck they kill, they put on the fire, where he is all burned ; 
and he rhat performs the ceremony, sings, at the same time, a 
nioumful iVuty, but with such marvellous fennent, and labour of 
body, that he will even sweat to a foam. The other part is their 
Cantico, peifurmed by round dances, sometimes words, some- 
times sony;s. then shouts; and two ^^being the first diat begin) by 
singing and druminino; on a board direct the chorus; their pos- 
tures in ihe dance are verv antick, and diftt-rent, hut all keep 
measure. This is done with equal earnestness, but great appear- 
ance of joy In the fall, when the corn is gathered in, they be- 
gin to feast one another; there have been two great festivals al- 
ready, to which ail come that will: I was at one myseif; their 
entertainment was a great seat by a spring, under some shady 
trees, and twenty bucks, with hot cakes of new corn, both wheat 
and beens, which they made up in a square form, in the leaves of^i 
the stem, and baked them in ashes; and after that they proceedW 
to dancing. But they that go must carry a smajl present in their 
money (tvampumj, it may be six pence, which is made of the 
bone of a fish: the black is with them as gold, the white silver." 

This account of the natives, notwithstandinij; it in souie re- 
spects dillers from what has been observed by other writers, yet 
in general, it serves to establish the most prominent features of 
their character, already exhibited. 

Notwithstanding the many settlements of Europeans in this 
continent, great part of America remains still unknown. The 
northern continent contains the Briti^sh colonies of Hudson's 
Bay, Canada, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia: the United 
States, viz. Massachusetts, w ith the district of Maine, New York, 
New Jersey, New Haoipshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Ver- 
mont, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Caro- 
lina, South C'arolina, Ge<»rgia, Mississippi Territory, Tennessee, 
Kentucky, Ohio, and Northwestern Territory ; Louisiana, in- 
cluding the Island of New Orleans, purehaseil of the French, to 
uhom it had been ceeded by the Spaniards: it contains also the 
Spanish Territories of East and West Floriila, New Mexico, 
Calif»»rnia and Mexico; bt sides th«se there are in»mense regions 
tt) the west and noith, the bt'undaiies of which have never yet 
been discovered. Such us have in any degree been known, are 
inhabited by ihe Es(juimeaux, the Alij;onquiiis, the Iroquois, the 
Cherokees, the Chickasaws, the Chactaws, ihe Creeks, and many 
other tribes of Indiaus. Vast tiacts of the inland parts are un- 
known, being et^mprchentied under thei;eneial name uf Amazonia. 
A large district also, said to be the residence of a gigantic rac(j 



.AMERICA. ^5 

of men, lies on the east side of the southern continent, between 
the Straits of Magellan and the province of Paraguay. 

This vast country produces many of the metals, minerals, plants, 
fruits, trees, and wood, to he met with in other parts of the 2;lobe, 
and many of them in greater quantities, and in high perfection. 

The a;old and silver of America have supplied Europe witk 
such large quantities, that these precious metals have become so 
common as to be very much diminished in value to what it was 
before America was discovered : it also produces diamonds, pearls, 
emeralds, amethysts, &c. which has been more largely treated 
upon in the first volume of this history. 

Although the Indians still live in the quiet possession of many 
]arge tracts, America, so far as is known, was chiefly claimed by 
three European nations, and divided into colonies, viz. the Spa- 
niards, Eni^lish, and Portuguese. The Spaniards, as they first 
discovered it, have the largest and richest portion. Next to Spain, 
the most considerable proprietor was Great Briton, who derived 
her claim to North America from the first discovery of that con- 
tinent, by Sebastian Cabot, in the name of Henry the seventh^ 
in the year 1497, about six years after the discovery of Soutli 
America by Columbus. 

This country was in general called Newfoundland until Ame- 
ricus Vespueius, a Florentine, who accompanied Ojeda, a Spanish 
adventurer, on a voyage of discovery : and having drawn up an 
entertaining history of his voyage, it was published and read with 
avidity. In his narrative he had the artifice to insinuate, that he 
was the first who discovered the New World. Many of his read- 
ers gave credit to the insinuation, and from him it assumed the 
name of America. The original name of Newfoundland is solely 
appropriated to an island on the north coast. It was a longtime 
before the English made an attempt to settlt in this country. Sir 
W alter Raleigh, an uncommon genius, and a brave commander, 
first led the way, by planting a colony, and naming it Virginia, 
in honour of Queen Elizabeth. 

The French, from this period, until the conclusion of the war 
in 1763, laid claim to, and actually possessed, Canada, and Loui- 
siana; and comprehending all that extensive country, reaching 
from Hudson's Bay, on the north, to Mexico, and thegulf of the 
same, name on the south. But in that war, they were not only 
driven from Canada arid its dependencies, but obliged to relin- 
quish all that part of Louisiana lying on the east side of the Mis- 
sissippi. Thus the British colonies were preserved, secured and 
extended so far, as to render it difiicult to ascertain the precise 
bounds of empire in North America. To the northward they mio-ht 
have extended their claims quite to the pole, nor did any natfon 
shew a disposition to dispute the property of this northern coun- 
try with them. From that extremity they had a territory extencl- 

R 



26 HISTORY OF 

in^ southward, to Cape Florida, in the Gulph of Mexico, in the _ 
latitude of "SJ^ north : and consequently near 4000 miles long, iaH; 
a direct line ; and to the westward, (heir boundaries reached to ■ 
nations unknown even to the Indians of Canada. 

Of the revolution that has since taken place, by which a great 
part of (hese territories have been separated from the British em- 
pire, and which has sriven a new face to the western world, an im- 
partial narrative shall be attempted, it will, however, be difficult 
to avoid some errors; the accounts from which the historian must 
derive his information, partake too much of prejudice, and the 
fabrications of party 5 and they want that amelioration which time 
alone can give. 

The state of the British colonies, at the conclusion of the war 
in 1763, was such as attracted the attention of all the politicians 
in Europe. At that period, their flourishing condition was re- 
markable and striking. Their trade had prospered and extend- 
ed, notwithstanding the difficulties and distresses of the war. 
Their population encreased ; they abounded with spirited and 
enterprising individuals, of all denominations; they were elated^, 
ivith the uncommon success that had sttended their commercial^ I 
and military transactions. Hence they were ready for every un- 
dertaking, and perceived no limits to their hopes and expecta- 
tions. They entertained the highest opinion of their value and 
importance, and of the immense benefit that Britain derived from 
its connexion with ihera ; their notions were equally high in their 
own favour. They deemed themselves entitled to every kindness 
:and indulgence w'hich the mother country could bestow. Although 
their pretensions did not amount to perfect equality of advanta- 
ires and privileges, in matters of commerce, yet in those of go- 
vernment, they thought themselves fulljr competent to the task 
of conduct^ng their domestic concerns, without any interference 
from the parent state. 

Though willing to admit the supremacy of Great Britain, they 
viewed it with a suspicious eye, and eagerly solicitous to restrain 
it within its strict constitutional bounds. Their improvements in 
necessary and useful arts, did honour to their industry and inge- 
miity. Thouc^h they did not live in the luxuries of Europe, they 
had all the solid and substantial enjo) menis of life, and were not 
unacquainted with man\ of its elegancies and refinements. Not- 
withstanding their peculiar addiction to those occupations, of 
which wealth is the sole object, the> were duly attentive to pro- 
mote the liberal sciences ; and they have ever since their first 
foundation, been particularly careful to provide for the education 
of the rising generation. 

Their vast augmentation of internal trade, and external com- 
merce, was not merely owing to their position and facility of com- 
iv.unication with other parts 5 it arose also from their natural turn 



AMERICA. '^7 

and temper: full of schemes and projects; ever aiming; at new 
discoveries, and continually employed in the search of means to 
improve their condition. This carried them into every quarter, 
whence profit could he derived ; there v/as scarcely any port of 
the American hemisphere, to which they had not extended their 
navigation. They were continually exploring new sources of 
trade- 

To this extensive and continual application to commerce, they 
added an equal vigilance in the administration of their affairs at 
home. The same iodefatiffable industry was employed in culti- 
vating the soil they possessed, and in (he improvement of their do- 
mestic circumstances; that it may be truly said, that they made 
the most of nature's gifts. 

In the midst of this solicitude and toil in matters of business, the 
affairs of government were conducted with a steadiness, prudence 
and lenity, seldom experienced, and never exceeded, in the best 
regulated countries in Europe. Such was the situation of the 
British colonies, in general, throughout North America : and of 
the New England provinces in particular, at the close of the v/ar 
in 1763. 

In treating of the American revolution, the English writers as- 
cribe that event to the successful intrigues of the French govern- 
ment; they appear willing to search for the origin in any other 
source than that of their own misconduct. It has therefore been re- 
peatedly asserted," that the French having long viewed with envy 
and apprehension, the flourishing state of the colonies which Bri- 
tain had founded in America, began immediately after the peace 
of Paris to carry into execution their design of separating the co- 
lonies from the mother country. Secret emissaries, it is said, 
were employed in spreading dissatisfaction among the colonists; 
and the etfects produced by these machinating spirits, are de- 
' scribed to have been a rapid diminution of that warm attachment 
which the inhabitants of North America had hitherto demonstrat- 
ed for the mother country." That such emissaries were ever 
employed,is a fact unsupported byany document which the purity 
of historical truth can admit; and although the eftects here de- 
scribed, have certainly appeared, it must be remembered, that 
their appearance followed, but did not precede, the attempts of 
Britain, upon the rights and liberties of America. 

That the French should succeed in the arts of intrigue, so far as 
to alienate the affections of the colonists from the mother country, 
and at the close of a war, in which their interests and feelings had 
been interwoven with more than usual strength and energy, was 
not in any sense probable. But if we trace these eff*ects to another 
cause, to a love of liberty, and a quick sense of injury, their ap- 
pearance will he natural and just; consistent with the American 
character, and corresponding with the conduct which was dis- 
played in all the various changes that attend their opposition. 



-3 HISTORY OF 

In March, irG4, a bill was passed in the British parliament, 
bj which heav> tluties were laid on goods imported by the colo- 
nists from such West India islands as did no\ belon,^ to Great 
Britain; and that these duties were to be paid into the exche- 
quer, in specie ; ar:d in the snine session another bill whs framed, 
to restrain the currency of paper money in the colonies. Not 
©nly the principal of taxation, but the mode of collection was 
considered as nn unconstiiulional and oppressive innovation, as 
the penalties incurred by an inf; action of the acts of parliament, 
-were to be recovered in courts of admiralty, before a single 
judge (vvhfse salary was to be the fruit of the forfeitures he 
bhould descrv.) 

These acts threw the whole continent into a ferment. Vehe- 
ment remonstrances were made to the ministry, and every argu- 
ment made use of that reason or inoenuity could suggest, but 
without any good eliect; their reasoning, however, convinced a 
great number of people in Britain ; and thus, the American cause 
came to be considered as the cause of liberty. 

The Americans, finding that all their remonstrances were fruit- 
less, at last united in an agreement not to import any more of the 
British manufactures, but to encourage to the utmost of their 
power, every useful manufacture among themselves. Thus the 
Briiish manufacturers became a party against the ministry, and 
expressed their resentment in strong terms; but the ministry 
\vere not to be easily daunted 5 and therefore proceeded to the 
last step of their intended plan, which was to lay on stamp duties 
tliroughout the continent. Previous to this, several regulations 
-were made in favour of the commerce of the colonies; but they 
had imbibed such unfavourable impressions of the British minis- 
try, that they paid very little regard to any thing pretended to be 
done in their favour; or, if these acts had made any favourable 
impressions, the stamp act at once obliterated every sentiment 
of that nature. . 

The reason given for this act, so exceedingly obnoxious, was, 
that a sum mio-ht be raised sufficient for the defence of the colo- 
nies against a foreign enemy ; but this pretence was so far from 
giving satisfaction to the Americans, that it excited their indig- 
nation to the utmost. They not only asserted that they were 
abundantly able to defend themselves, but denied the right of the 
British parliament to tax them at all. 

To enter into the arguments of the contending parties upon this 
occasion, would be superfluous. It was manifest that the matter 
^vas not to be decided but by the force of arms ; and the British 
ministry, confident of the authority and power of that country, 
were disposed to carry on matters with a high hand, to terrify the 
colonists into submission, or compel them by force. 

The Stamp act, after a violent opposition in parliament, wa* 



AiMERIGAt Si^ 

passed, and its reception in America was such as mi^ht have been 
expected. The news and the act itself, first arrived at Boston, 
\vhere the bells were muffled, and rung a funeral peal. The act 
was first hawked about the streets, with a death's head affixed to 
it, and styled " The folly of England, and the ruin of American 
It was afterwards publicly burnt by the enraged populace ; the 
stamps were seized and destroyed, unless brought on board of men 
of war, or kept in fortified places. Those who were to receive 
the stamp duties were eompelled to resign their offices ; and such 
of the Americans as favoured the government on this occasion, 
had their houses plundered and burned. 

Though these outrages were committed by the multitude, they 
were connived at by those of superior rank, who afterwards open- 
ly avowed, that Britain had no right to tax the colonies without 
their own consent. The ministry novv found it absolutely neces- 
sary, either to yield to the Americans, by repealing the obnoxious 
laws, or to enforce them by arms. 

The ferment had become general through the colonies. Virgi- 
nia first, and afterwards all the rest of the provinces declared 
against the right of Britain to tax America ; and, that every at- 
tempt to vest others with this power, besides the king, or the go- 
vernor of iwQ province, and his general assembly, was illegal, 
iinconstitutional, and unjust. Non-importation agreements were 
every where entered into; and it was resolved, to prevent the 
sale of any more British goods after the present year. American 
manufactures, though dearer, as also inferior in quality to the 
British, were universally preferred. An association was also en- 
tered into against eating of lamb, in order to promote the growth 
of wool ; and the ladies agreed to renounce the use of every kind 
ef ornament imported from Great Britain. 

Such a general and alarming confederacy determined the mi- 
nistry to repeal some of the most obnoxious acts; and to this they 
were the more inclined by a petition from the first American 
Congress, held at New York in 1765. 

The stamp act was therefore repealed, to the universal joy of 
the Americans, as well as to the general satisfaction of the Eng- 
lish, whose manufuctures had began to suffer, in consequence of 
American associations a;;ainst them. The disputes on the sub- 
ject, however, were by no means silenced ; every one continued to 
argue the case as vi(;lent as ever. Dr. Benjamin Franklin was 
on this occasion examined before the house of Commons; and his 
opinion was in substance as follows : '* That the tax in question 
was impracticable and ruinous. The very attempt had so far 
alienated the affection of the colonies, that they behaved in a less 
friendly manner to.vards the natives of England than before, con- 
sidering the whole nation as conspiring against their liberty, an?l 



:)U HISTORY OF 

the parliament as more willins; to oppress than to assist and sup> 
port them. America, in fact, did not stand in any need of British 
manufactures, having ah-eadj began to construct such as might b& 
deemed absolutely necessary, and that with such success, as left 
no doubt of their arriving in a short time at perfection. The ele- 
gancies of dress had already been renounced for American ma- 
nufactures, though much inferior, and the bulk of the people con- 
sisting of fiirme?s, were such as could in no way be affected by the 
>Yant of British commodities, as having every necessary within 
themselves, materials of all kinds were to be had in plenty: the 
w ool was tine, flax grew in sjreat abundance, and iron was* every 
vhere to be met with." The Doctor also insisted, that *• the Ame- 
ricans had been greatly misrepresented ; that they had been tia- 
duced as void ot gratitude and allection to the parent state; than 
which nothing could he mors contrary to truth. In the war in 
1755, they had at their own expense raised an army of 25.000 
men: and that they assisted the British expeditions against South- 
America, with several thousand men: and had made many brave 
exertions apnnst ths French in North America. 

It was said that tJ^e war of Jr53 had been undertaken in defence^ 
of the colonies: but the truth was, that it oiiginated from a con- 
test about the limits betVeen Camida and Nova-St'otia, and in de- 
fence of ihe Eng,lish rights to trade on the Ohio. The Americans, 
however, would still continue to act viih their usual fidelity; and- 
were any war to break out ia which they had no concern, they 
vonld be as ready as ever to assist the parent state to the utmost 
of their pouer. and would not fail to manifest their ready aeqoi- 
escence in contributing to the emergencies of pjovernment, wheji 
called to d'-» so in a regular and constitutional manner.*' 

The ministry were conscious that in repealing this obnoxion* 
act, they yielded to the Amerieans: and therefore, to support, as 
they thought, the dignity of Great Britain, it was judged proper 
10 publish a declaratoiy'bill, setting forth the authority of the mo- 
ther country, over Ikt colonies, and her power to bind them by 
laws and statutes in all cases whalsoever. This much diminished 
the joy with which the repeal of the stamp act was received in 
Anierica. It was considered a proper reason to enforce any claims- 
equally prtjudicial with the stamp act, which might hereafter be 
set u]>; a spirit of jealousy pervaded the whole coutinent, and 
a strong party was formoiL de'.ermined to guard against the sup- 
posed eiicroaehmen^s ot Iiriti>h power. 

It wa* not loiig befuie ati occasion offered, in which the Ameri- 
cans manifested a S|;iiit of absolute independency ; and, that in- 
stead ol ht'ing bi^uncl by the British legislature in all cases whatso- 
I'ver. they would not be controlled by it in the most trivial affairs. 
The Rockingham nunistiy had passed an act, pioviding the^ 
Iroops btRtioned ia different parts gf the columns with such ^e- 



AMERieA. 3i 

commodations as were necessary for them. The assembly of New 
York, however/took upon thera to alter the mode of execution 
prescribed by the act of parliament, and to substitute one of their 
own. 

This gave very j^reat ofi'ence to the new ministry, and render- 
ed them, though composed of those who had been active against 
the stamp bill, less favourable to the colonies in all probubiiily, 
than they would otherv>ise have been. An unlucky circumstance 
at the same time occurred, which threw every thing once more 
into contusion. Que of the new ministry, Charles Townshend, 
bavins; declared that he could find a way of taxing America, 
vithoutgiving offence ; was called upon to propose his plan This 
was by imposing a duty upon tea, paper, painters' colours, and 
glass imported into America. Fhe conduct of the New Yark as* 
sembly. respecting; the troops, and th.at of R'^ston. which had pro- 
ceeded in a similar manner, caused tins bill to meet with less op- 
position than otherwise it might have done. As a p»inisiunent t(y 
the refrActor}'" assemblies, the le4;i^lative power was taken from 
New York, until it should fully comply with the terms of the act. 
That of Boston at last suoirritted with reluctance. The bill for 
the new taxes quickly passed, and was sent to America in 1768,- 
A ferment mucii greater than that occasioned by the stamp-act, 
now took place throusjhout the continent. The populace renewed 
their outrages, and thos& of superior stations, entered into regu- 
lar combinations a^jainst it. 

Circular letters were sent from Massachusetts colony, to aU the 
others, setting forth the injustice and impropriety of the beliaviour 
of the British legislature. Meetings wer*^ held in all the princi- 
pal towns. It was proposed to lessen the consumption of all fo- 
reign manufactures, by giving proper encouragt-ment to their own. 
Continual disputes ensued betwixt the governors and general as- 
semblies, which were acrgrravated by a letter from lord Shelburne, 
to governor Barnard of Massachusetts Bay, containing complamts 
of the people he governed. The assembly exasperated, to the 
highest degree, charged their governor with hitving misrepresent- 
ed them at the court of Britain; required him to produce copies 
of the letters he had sent ; and on his refusal, wrote leltCi s to the 
English ministry, accusing him f misrepresentation and partial- 
ity, complaining at the same titnc most'grievously of the proceed- 
ings of parliament, as utterly subversive of the liberties of Auier- 
ica, and the rights of British subjects. The governor, at a loss hov»' 
to defend himself, prorogued the assembly, and in his speech 
the occasion, gave a loose to his resentment, accusing the membe 
of an.bitious designs, incompatible with those of dutiful una U)^ 
al subjects. To counteract the circmar letter of the provin '^'-^> 
Massachusetts Bay, lord Hilisborouih, secretary fo. the \^ ?^ 
^a department, sent another to the goveraoii of t!ie di*^^ "^ 



$2 HISTORY OF 

colonies, reprobatin* that sent by the Assembly of MassachU,- 
setts Bay, as full of misrepresentation, and lending to excite a 
rebellion against the parent state. 

Matters were now drawing to a crisis. The governor had been 
ordered to proceed with vigour, and by no means show any dis- 
position to yield to tlie people as formerly. In particular they 
weie required to rescind that resolution by which they had writ- 
ten the circular letter above mentioned ; and in case of a refusal, 
it was tuld them that they would be dis^solved. As this letter had 
been framed by the resolutions of a former house, they desired 
after a week's consultation, that a recess might be granted to con- 
sult with their constituents ; but this being; refused, they came to 
a determination, 92 against 17, to adhere to the resolution which 
produced the circular letter. 

At the same ti'ne a letter was sent to lord Hillsborough, and a 
message to the governor, in justification of their proceedings. In 
both they expressed themselves with such freedom, fts was bv no 
means calculated to accord with the views of those in power. 
They insisted they had a right to communicate their sentiments to 
their fellow subjects upon matters of importance; complaified of 
the requisition to rescind the circular latter, as unconstitutional 
and upjust : and particularly insisted, that they vvcre represented 
as harbouring seditious designs, when they were doing nothing but 
what was lawful and risjht. At the same time they condemjied the 
late acts of parlia«nent as highly oppressive, and subversive of 
liberty. The >\hole was concluded by a list of accusations against 
their governor, representing him as unfit to continue in his sta- 
tion, and petitionitig the king for his removal from it. 

These proceedings were followed by a violent tumult at Boston. 
A vessel belonging to a capital trader, had been seized in con- 
sequence of his having neglected some of the new regulations, 
and beins taken under the protection of a man of war, at that 
time l.>itig iti the harbour; the populace attacked the houses of 
the excise officers, broke their windows, destroyed the collector's 
boats, and obliged the custom house officers to take refuge in 
Castle William, on an island situated at the entrance of the har- 
bour. The governor now took the last step in his power to put 
a slop to the violent proceedings of the assembly, by dissolving 
it entirely ; but this was of little momenta Their behaviour had 
been Wi^My approved of by the other colonies, who had written 
letters to them, expressive of their approbation. 

After the dissolution of the assembly, frequent meetings were 
held by the people in Boston, which ended in a remonstrance to 
be governor, to the same purpose as some of the former ; but 
I vei'uding with a request, that he would take upon him to order 
The ng's ships out of the harbour. While the disposition of the 
iroopsiasis was thus going ou from bud to worse, news arrived.. 



I 



AMERICA. SS 

that the agent of the colony had not been allowed to deliver their 
peiiti«)n to the kinij: it having been objected, that the assembly 
without the governor, was not sufficient authority. This did not 
allay the Fei inent ; it was further augmenled, by the news that a 
ntimher of troops had been ordered to repair to Boston, to keep 
the inhabitants in awe. A dreadful alarm now ensued ; the people 
called on the ucivernor to convene a general assembly, in order 
to remove the fears of the military ; who, they said, were to be 
assembled to overthrow their liberties, and ftTce obedience to 
the laws to which they were entirely averse. The governor re- 
plied, it was no lonjjer in his power to call an assembly, having, 
in his last instructions from England, been required to wait the 
king's orders: the matter being then under consideration there. 

Thus refused, the people took upon themselves to call an as- 
sembly, which they termed a convention. The proceedings and 
resolutions of this bodv, partook of the temper and disposition 
of the late assembly ; but they went a step further : and having 
voted, '"That there is apprehension in the minds of many, of an 
approaching rupture with France," requested the inhabitants to 
put themselves in a posture of defence, against any sudden attack 
of an enemy ; and circular letters were directed to all the towns 
in the province, acquainting them with the resolutions that had 
been taken in the capital, and exhorting them to proceed in the 
same manner. The town of Hatfield alone refused its concur- 
rence. The convention thought proper, however, to assure the 
governor of their pacific intentions, and renewed their request, 
that a general assembly might be called ; bul being refused an 
audience, and threateried to be treated as rebels, they at last 
thought proper to dissolve themselves, arid sent over to Britain 
a circumstantial account of their proceedings, with the reason 
for having assembled in the nianner already mentioned. 

On the very day the convention broke up, the troops arrived, 
and houses in the town were fitted up for their reception. Their 
arrival had a considerable influence on the people, and for some 
time put a stop to the disturbances ; but the seeds of discord had 
taken such deep root, that it was impossible to quench the flame. 
The outrageous behaviour of the people of Boston had given 
2;reat ofience in England : and, notwithstanding all the efforts of 
opposition, an address from both houses of parliament was pre» 
sented to the king : in which the behaviour of the colony of Mas- 
sachusetts Bay was set forth in the most ample manner, and vig- 
orous measures recommended for rc'ucing them to obedience. 
The Americans, however, continued steadfast in the ideas they 
had adopted. 

Though the troops had for some time quieted the disturbances, 
yet the calm continued no longer than they were formidable on 
account of their number, but as soon as they were separated by 



34 HISTORY OF 

the departure of a large detachment, the remainder were treated 
with contempt, and it was even resolved to expel them altogether. 
The country people took up arms for this purpose, and were to 
have assisted their friends in Boston ; but before the plot could 
be put in execution, an event happened which put an end to 
every idea of reconciliation betwixt the contending parties. 

On the oth of March 1770, a scuffle happened between the sol- 
diers and a party of the town's people ; the inhabitants poured 
in to the assistance of their fellow-citizens; a violent tumult 
ensued, during which the military fired upon the populace, kill- 
ed and wounded several of them. 

The whole province now rose in arms, and the soldiers were 
obliged to retire to Castle William to prevent their being cut to 
pieces. Let it be remembered, however, that on the trial, not- 
withstanding popular prejudice and apprehension, the captain 
and six of the men were acquitted : two men only being found 
guilty of raau-slaughter. 

In other respects, the determination of the Americans gained 
strength ; until at last, the government determining to act with 
vigour and, at the same time, with as much condescension as was 
consistent with its dignity, without abandoning their principles, 
repealled all (he duties laid ; that on tea alone excepted : and 
this, it was thought, could not be productive of any discontent in 
America, as being an affair of very little moment; the produce 
of which was not expected to exceed sixteen thousand pounds 
sterling. 

The opposition, however, were strenuous in their endeavours 
to get this tax repealed ; insisting that the Amerii'ans would 
consider it as an inlet to others; and, that the repeal of all the 
rest, without tiiis, would answer no good purpose : the event 
shewed that their opinion was well founded. The Americans op- 
posed the tea tax with the same violence, as they had done all the 
rest; and at last, when they were informed, that salaries had 
been settled on the judge of the superior court of Boston, the 
governor ^^ as addressed on the subject; tlie measure was con- 
demned in the strongest terms : and a committee selected out of 
the several districts of the colony to inquire into it. 

The new assembly proceeded in the most formal manner to 
disavow the supremacy of the British legislature ; and accused 
the parliament of Great Britain of having violated the natural 
rights of the Americans, in a number of instances. Copies of the 
transactions of this assembly, were transmitted to every town 
in Massachusetts, exhorting the inhabitants to rouse themselves, 
and exert every nerve in opposition to the iron hand of oppres- 
sion, which was daily tearing the choicest fruits from the fair 
tree of liberty. 

These disturbances were also greatly heightened by an acq^ 



m 



AMERICA. ^J 

dental discovery, thai e;overnor Huichinson lia^ written several 
coutideatial letters to persons in no wer in Kno;land, complaining 
of the behaviour of the people of the province, recommending 
vigorous measures against them ; and amongother things, assert- 
ing that, " there must be an abridojement ot what is called {Brit- 
ish liberty." Letters of this kind had fallen into the hands, of 
the agent for the colony at London. They were immediately 
transmitted to Boston, where the assembly was sitting, by whom 
they were laid bofore the governor, who was thus reduced to at 
very mortifying situation. 

Losing; every idea of respect or friendship for him, as their gov- 
ernor, they instantly despatched a petition to the king, request- 
ing him to remove the governor and deputy -governor from their 
places : but to this they not only received an unfavourable an- 
swer, but the petition itself was declared groundless and scan- 
dalous. 

Matters were now nearly ripe for the utmost extremities on 
the part of the Americans, and they were precipitated in the 
following manner. Though the colonies had entered into a non- 
important agreement against tea, as well as other commodi- 
ties from Britain, it had nevertheless, found its way into America, 
though in smaller quantities than before. This was sensibly felt 
by the East India company, who had now agreed to pay a large 
sum .annually to government; in recompense for which compli- 
ance, and to make up their losses in other respects, they were em- 
powered to export their tea free from any duty payable in Eng- 
land : and, in consequence of this permission, several ships freight- 
ed with this commodity, were sent to North America, and prop- 
er agents appointed for taking; charge, and disposing of it. 

The Americans now perceiving that the tax was thus likely to 
be enforced, whether they would or not, determined to take every 
possible method to preventjthe tea from being landed ; well know- 
ing that it would be impossible to hinder the sale, should the com- 
modity once be brought on shore. For this purpose the people as- 
sembled in great numbers, forcing those to whom the tea was 
consigned, to resign their offices ; and to promise solemnly never 
to resume them ; and comndttees were appointed to examine the 
accounts of merchants, and make public tests, declaring such as 
would not take them, enemies to their country. Nor was this be- 
haviour confined to the colony of Massachusetts Bay; the restof 
the, provinces entered into the contest, with the same warmth : 
and manifested the same resolution to oppose this invasion of their 
rights. 

In the midst of this confusion, three ships laden with tea, arriv- 
ed at Boston ; but so much were the captains alarmed at the dis- 
position of the people, that they offered, providing they could ge# 
the proper discharges from the tea consignees, custom-house and 
governorj to return to Britain without landing their cargoes. The 



;36 HISTORY OF 

parties concerned, however, thouj^h they durst not order (he tea 
to be landed, refused to grant the discharges required. The ships, 
therefore, would have been obliged to remain in the harbour: but 
the people apprehensive that if they rensained there, the tea 
wouldbe lauded in small quantities, and disposed of in spite of 
every endeavour to prevent it : resolved to destroy it at once. 

This resolution was executed with equal speed and seereej. 
The verj evenino; after the above mentioned discharjres had been 
refused, a number of people, dressed like Mohock Indians, board- 
ed the ships, and threw into the sea their whole cargoes, consist- 
ing of three hundred and forty chests of tea; after which, they 
retired without making any further disturbance or doing any other 
damage. No tea was destroyed in other ports, but the same spi- 
rit was manifested. 

At Philadelphia the pilots were enjoined not to conduct the 
Vessels up the river ; and at New York, though the governor 
caused some tea to be landed under the protection of a man of 
war, he was obliged to delivt*- it up to the people, to prevent its 
being sold. 

The destruction of the tea at Boston, which happened in 1773, 
was the immediate prelude to the disasters attending civil discord. 
Government finding themselves every where insulted and despis- 
ed, resolved to enforce their authority by all possible means; and 
as Boston had been the principal scene of the riots and outrages, 
it was determined to punish that city in an exemplary manner. 
Parliament was acquainted, by a message from his n>ajesty, with 
the undutifui behaviour of the inhabitants of Boston, as well as of 
all the colonies, recommending at the same time the most vigor- 
ous and spirited exertions to reduce them to obedience. The 
parliament in its address promised a ready compliance; and the 
Americans now seemed to have lost many of their partizans. 

It was proposed to lay a fine on the town of Boston, equal to the 
price of tlie tea which had been destroyed, and to shut up its port 
by armed vessels, until the refractory sjjirit of its inhabitants was 
subdued ; which it was thought must quickly yield, as a total stop 
would thus be put to their trade. The bill was strongly opposed 
on the same ground that the other had been ; and it was predicted, 
that instead of having any tendency to reconcile or subdue the 
Americans, it would infallibly exasperate them beyond any possi- 
bility of reconciliation. 

The petitions against it were presented by the colony's agent, 
who pointed out the same consequence in the strongest terms, 
and in the most positive manner declared the Americans never 
%vould submit to it ; but such was the infatuation attending every 
rank and degree of men, thai it never was imagined the Ameri- 
cans would dare to resist the parent state openly : but would in 
the end submit implicitly to her commands. In this confidence a 



AMKIUCA. 37 

third bill was proposed, for the impartial administration of jus- 
tice, by such persons as mi2,ht be employed in the suppression of 
riots and tumults in the province of Massachusetts Bay. By this 
act it was provided, " That should any person acting in that ca- 
pacity be indicted for murder, and not be able to obtain a fai 
trial in the province, they might be sent by (he governor to Eng- 
land, or to some other colony, if necessary, to be tried for the 
supposed crime." 

These three bills having passed so easily, the ministry proposed 
a fourth, relative to the government of Canada ; which it was 
said had not yet been settled upon any proper plan. By this bill 
the extent of that province was greatly enlarged ; its affairs were 
put under the direction of a council, in which Roman Catholics 
were to be admitted ; the Roman Catholic clergy were secured in 
their possessions, and the usual perquisites from those of their 
own profession. The council above mentioned, were to be ap- 
pointed by the crown; to be removed at its pleasure, and to bft 
invested with every legislative power, except that of taxation. 

No sooner were these laws made known in America, than they 
cemented the union of the colonies, beyond the possibility of dis- 
solving it. The Assembly of Massachusetts Bay had passed a 
vote against the judges accepting salaries from the crown, and 
put the question. Whether tliey would accept them as usual, froni 
the general assembly ? Four answered in the affirmative, but 
Peter Oliver, the chief justice, refused. A petition against him, 
and an accusation, were brought before the governor ; but the 
latter refused interfering in the matter: but as they still insisted 
for justice against chief justice Oliver, the governor, thought 
proper to dissolve the assembly. 

In this situation of aftairs, a new alarm was occasioned by the 
Port bill. This had i>een totally unexpected and was received 
with the most extravagant expressions of displeasure among the 
people ; and while these continued, the new governor, general 
Gage, arrived from England. 

He had been chosen to this office on account of his being well 
acquainted in America, and generally agreeable to the people ; 
but human wisdom could not now point out a method, by which 
the flame could be allayed. The first act of his office, as gover- 
nor, was to remove the assembly to Salem, a town seventeen 
miles distant from Boston, in consequence of the late act. When 
this was intimated to the assembly, they replied by requesting him. 
to appoint a day of public humiliation, for deprecating the wrath 
of heaven, but met with a refusal. When the assembly met at Sa- 
lem they passed a resolution, declaring the necessity of a general 
Congress, composed of delegates from all the provinces ; in order 
that they might take the aftairs of the colonies at large, under 
their consideration 5 and five gentlemen, who had been remarka- 



38 HISTORY OF 

ble for their opposition, were chosen to represent that of Massa- 
chusetts 15ay. They then proceeded, with all expediiion, to draw 
up a declaration, containing a detail of the grievances, which they 
laboured under ; and the necessity of exerting themselves against 
lawless power; they set forth the disregard that had been paid to 
their petitions, and the attempts of Great Britain to destroy their 
ancient constitution; and c(»ncluding with exhorting the inhabi- 
tants of the colony to obstruct, by every method in their power, 
such evil designs, recommending at the same time, a total re- 
nunciation of every thing imported from Great Britain, until a 
redress of grievances could be procured. 

Intelligence of this declaration was carried to the governor on 
the very day that it was completed, on which he dissolved the as- 
sembly. This was followed by an address from the inhabitants of 
Salem, in favour of those of Boston, and concluding with these 
remarkable words, " By shutting up the port of Boston someima- 
*' gine that the course of trade might be turned hither, and to our 
<' benefit ; but nature, in the formation of our harbour, forbids our 
^^ becominj* rivals in commerce to that convenient mart ; and were 
*' it otherwise, we must be dead to every idea of justice, lost to all 
« feelings of humanity, could we indulge one thought to seize 
" on wealth, and raise our fortunes on the ruin of our suffering 
<^ nei^hbtturs." 

It had been fondly hoped by the ministerial party in England, 
that the advantages which other towns might derive from the an- 
nihilation of the trade of Boston, would make them readily ac- 
quiesce in the measure of shutting up that port, and rather rejoice 
in it than otherwise ; but the words of the address above-men- 
tioned, seemed to preclude all hope of this kind ; and subsequent 
transactions soon manifested it to be altogether vain. 

No sooner did intelligence arrive of the bills passed in the ses- 
sion of 1774, than the cause of Boston became the cause of all the 
colonies. The port bill had already occasioned violent comnio- 
Itons throughout them all. It had been reprobated in provincial 
meetings, and resistance to the last, had b^ien recommended 
ag'iinst such oppression. In Virginia, the 1st of June, 1774 the day 
on which the port of Boston was to be shut up, was held as a day 
of humiliation, and a public intercession, in favour of America 
was recommended. The style of the prayer enjoined at this 
time, was, that " God would give the people One heart, and one 
**mind, tirmly to oppose every invasion of the American rights." 

The Virginians, however, did not content themselves with acts 
of religion only : they recommended, in the strongest uiaiiner, a 
general congie^s of all the colonies ; as fully persuaded that an 
attempt to tax any colony in an arbitrary n:anner, was in reality, 
an attack upon them all. The provinces of New York and Penn- 
sylvaui(i, were, however, less sanguine than the rest, being so 



AMERICA. S9 

dosely connected in the \\'ay of trade with Great Britain, that the 
givinjr it up entirely, appeared a matter of the most serious magni- 
tude and not to he thought of but after every other method had failed. 

The intelli2;ence of the remaining; bills, respecting; Boston, 
spread a fresh alar»n through the continent, and fixed those \^h(l 
had appeared the most wavering. The proposal of giving up aU 
commercial intercourse with Great Britain was again proposed ; 
contributions for the relief of ihe inhabitants of Boston were rais- 
ed in exery quarter; and tln^v received addresses from the other 
provinces commending: thenn for the heroic courage with which 
they sustained their calaniity. 

The Bost()rsians,thiis supported, did every thing in their power 
to promote the general eau?e. An agreement was framed, which, 
in ioiitation. of former times, was called a solemn league and co- 
venant. By this, the subscribers most religiously bound themselves 
to break off all communication '.vith Great Britain after the expira- 
tion of the month of August ensuing, until the obnoxious acts were 
repealed ; at the same time they engaged neither topurchase nor 
use any goods imported after that time, and to renounce all con- 
rexion with those who did, or refused to subscribe to this cove- 
nant ; threatening to publish the names of the refractory ; which 
at this time was a punishment too serious to be despised. 

Agreements of a similar nature, were immediately entered into 
throughout ail America. And although general Gage attempted 
lo counteract the covenant by a proclamation, wherein it was de- 
clared an illegal and traitorous combination, threatenina; with the 
pains of the law, such as subscribed or countenanced it. But it 
was now too late for proclamations to have any effect. The Ame- 
ricans retorted the charge of illegality on his own proclamation, 
and insisted that the law allowed subjects to meet, in order to 
consider of their grievances, and associate for relief from op- 
pression. 

Preparations were now made for holding a general Congress. 
Philadelphia, as being the n?ost centrical, and considerable town, 
was chosen as the place of its meetin^^. The delegates of whom it 
was composed, were elected by the representatives of each pro- 
vince, and were in number from two to seven from each colony, 
though no province had more than one vote. 

The first Congress which met at Philadelphia, in the begin- 
ning of September 1774, consisted of fifty-one delegates. The 
novelty and importance of the meeting, excited universal atten- 
tion 5 and their transactions were such as rendered them respect- 
able. The first act of Congress, was an approbation of the con- 
duct of the inhai)ilants of Massachusetts Bay, and an exhortation 
to continue in the same spirit which they had begun. Supplies 
for the suffering inhabitants were strongly recommended, as they 
fv&vQ reduced to great distress by tlie operation of the Port-bill ,• 



'^O HISTORY OF 

and it was declared, that in case an attempt should be made to 
enforce the obnoxious act'^by arms, all Anierica should join to as- 
sist the town of Boston ; and should the inhabitants be obliged, 
during the course of hostilities, to remove further up into the 
^country, the losses they u;i^ht sustain should be repaired at the 
public expense. 

They next addressed general Gage by letter ; in which, having 
stated the grievances of the people of iSlassachusetts colony, they 
informed him of the fixed and unalterable determination of all 
1he other provinces, to su|>port their brethren, and to oppose the 
cruel and oppressive British acts of Parliarnent; that they were 
appointed to watch over the liberties of America ; and entreated 
him to desist from military operations, lest such hostilities ought 
!>e brought on, as would frustrate all hopes of reconciliation with 
the parent state. 

The next step was to publish a declaration of their rights. 
These they summed up in the rights belonging to Enja;lish;nen ; 
and particularly insisted, that as their distance rendered it im- 
possible for them to be represented in the British parliament, their 
provincial assemblies, with the governor appointed by the kingj, 
constituted the only legislative power within each province. They 
^vould however, consent to such acts of Parliament, as were evi- 
dently calculated merely for the regulation of commerce, and se- 
curing for the parent state the benefits of the American trade ; 
but would never allow that they could impose any tax on the col- 
onies, for the purpose of raising a revenue, without their consent. 
They proceeded to reprobate the intention of each of the new 
acts of parliament ; and insisted on all the rights they had enu- 
merated as being unalienable ; and what none could deprive them 
of. The Canada act they particularly pointed out as being 
extremely inimical to the colonies, by whose assistance it had 
been conquered ; and they termed it, " An act for establishing the 
Koman Catholic religion in Canada, abolishing the equitable sys- 
tem of Ens;lish laws, and establishing a tyranny there." 

They further declared in fiivour of a non-importation and non- 
consumption of British goods, until the acts were repealed, by 
Avhich duties were laid upon tea, coft'ee, wine, sugar, and mo- 
lasses imported into x\merica, as well as the Boston Fort-act, and 
the three others passed in the preceedino; session of Parliament. 

The new regulations against the importation and consumption 
of British commodities, were then draw n up with great solemni- 
ty; and they concluded with returning the warmest thanks, ta 
those members of Parliament who had, with so much zeal, but 
without success, opposed the obnoxious acts of Parliament. 

Their nest proceedings were, to draw up a petition to the king, 
an address to the British nation, and anotherto the colonies, all 
of which bein^ iu the usual strain of Amciicau language, adopted 



AMERICA. 41 

for some time past, that a repetition is altoo;ether unnecessary. It 
is suflicient to savi they were executed in a masterly manner, both 
with respect to the style, and composition, and ought to have im- 
pressed the people of fengland with more favourable sentiments of 
the Americans, than they were at that time willing to entertain. 

All this time the disposition of the people had corresponded with 
the warmest wishes of congress. The tirst of June had been kept 
as a fast, not only throughout Virginia, where it was first proposed, 
but through the whole eontinent. Contributions for the relief of 
the inhabitants of Boston were recommended, and raised through- 
out the country. Even those who were most likely to derive the 
greatest ailvan'ages from the Port-bill, with a generosity unequal- 
led, refused to enrich themselves at the expense of their suffering 
neighbours. The inhabitants of Marblehead, who were among 
the number, though situated in the neighbourhood of Boston, and 
most likely to receive benefit from the stoppage of their trade, 
did not attempt to avail themselves of it: but so far from it, that 
they generously oftered the use of their harbour, wharves, and 
stores, rent fVee. 

In the meantime the British forces at Boston were continually 
augmentina: in number, which greatly increased the general jea- 
lousy and disaffection ; the country people were ready to rise at 
a moment's warning; : and the experiment was tried, by giving a 
false alarm, that the communication was to be cutoff between the 
town and country ; in order to reduce the former by famine to a 
compliance with the acts of parliament. On this intelligence, the 
country people assembled, in great numbers, and could not be sat 
isfied, till they had sent messengers into the city, to inquire into 
the truth of the report. These messengers were enjoined to in- 
form the people in Boston, that if they should be so pusillanimous 
as to make a surrender of their liberties, the province would not 
thin!: itself bound by such examples ; and that Britain, by break- 
ing their original charter, had annulled the contract subsisting 
between them, and \th them to act as they thought proper. 

The people in every other respect manifested their inflexible 
determination to adhere to the plan they had so Ion* followed. 
The new counsellors and judges were obliged to resign their off]- 
ees, in order to preserve their lives and properties from the fury 
of the multitude. In som.e places they shut up the avenues to the 
eourt houses; and when required to make way for the judges, re- 
plied, that tliey knew of none but such as were appointed by the 
ancient usage and custom of the province. 

They manifested in every place the most ardent desire of 
learning the art of v/ar: and every one who could bear arms, was 
most assiduous in procuring them, and learning the military ex- 
ercise. Matters at last proceeded to such a height, that 2;eneral 
Gage thought proper to fortify the neck of land which joins the 



i^ ^ HISTORY OF 

''1st 
Columbus, conscious of his own integrity, appeared at court 

'mth that determined confidence, which those who have perform- 
ed great actions, will always assume. Ferdinand and Isabella 
ashamed of lending too favourable an ear to frivolous and ill found- 
ed accusations, received him with such distinguished marks of 
respect, as overwhelmed his enemies with sliame. Their calum- 
ny and censui-es were not heard at (hat juncture. 

The gold, the pearls, the cotton, and other rich commodities 
which Columbus produced, seemed fully to refute the stories the 
malecontents had propagated with respect to the poverty of the 
country. By reducing the ludians to obedience and imposing a 
rejiular tax upon them, he had secured to Spain a large accession 
of new subjects, and a revenue that promised much. By the 
mines which he had found out and examined, a source of vvcaith 
was still more copiously opene4 

Columbus represented these only as preludes to future and 
much larger acrpiisitions, and as an earnest of more important 
discoveries. The attentive consideration of all these circum- 
stances made such an impression upon Ferdinand and Isabella, 
that they resolved to supply the colony with every thing necessa- 
ry to render it a permanent establishment, and to furnish Colum- 
bus with s^t'h a tieet, that he might proceed to make such dis- 
coveries as he meditated. 

A plan was now formed of a regular colony, that might serve 
as a model for all future establishments. Every particular was 
i'onsidered with attention, and arranged with scrupulous accura- 
cy. The exact number of adventurers who should be permitted 
to embark v^as lixed : these were to be of different ranks and pro- 
fessions; and the proportion of each was established, according 
U' their usefulness and benefit to the colony. A proper number 
of women were chosen to accompany ^hese new settlers. 

As a want of provision had occasioned great distress in the col- 
ony, a number of husbandmen were to be carried over. Asthey 
had formed and entertained the mo^t sanguine hopes with respect 
to the riches contained in the mines, a number cf artists were en- 
gaged v\ho were skilful in refining the precious metals ; who were 
to receive pay from the government far a number of years. ^ 

Thus far the regulations vere well adapted to the end in view ; 
but as it was foreseen that few would engage to emt)ark to settle 
in a country that had proved «o fatal to many of their country- 
men, Cohnnbus pro})osed to employ such convicts and malefac- 
tors who were c«;nvicted of erim.es, which, though capital, vcre of 
a less attrock'-js nature ; and instead of sending them to the 
l^allies, they "should be condemned to labour in the mines which 
Were to be opened. This advice was inconsiderately adopted ; 
the prisons were drained to collect members for the intended col- 
ony 5 and the judges were iastructed to recruit it by their future 



AMERICA. 4b 

sentences. But thev,were not aware tiiat such corrupt members 
V f-j!d poison ihe'booy politic, and be productive of violent and 
unhappy eft'ects. 

This the Spaniards fatally experienced, and other European 
powers imitated iheir practit-e, from which pernicious consequen- 
ces have followed, and can be imputed to no other cause. 

Columbus easily obtained the royal approbation to every mea- 
sure and regulation he proposed : but his endeavours to carry 
them into execution, weie long retarded, and must have tired 
out any man of less patience than himself. Those delays were 
occasioned, paitly by tliat tedious procrastination, so natural to 
the Spaniards; partly by the esiiausted state of the treasury, 
\vh/ich at that time was drained by the celebration of the marriage 
of Ftiviinand and Isabella's only son, with Margaret, of Austria; 
and that of Joanna, their daughter, with Philip of Austria : but 
the chief source of all these delaj's, must principally be imputed 
to the malice of his eneasies. 

These, astonished at the reception Columbus had met with, and 
overawed by his presence, gave way for some time, to a tide 
of favour too strong for then^ to oppose. Their enmity hovvever, 
was too strong to remain long inactive: but by the assistance of 
Fonseca, minister for Indian atfairs, who was now promoted to be 
bishop of Badajos, they threw in so many obstacles, that the pre- 
parations were retarded one whole year, before he could procure 
tv,o ships, to send over a pait of the supplies intended for the col- 
ony ; and near two years were spent before the small squadron 
was ready, of which he waste take the command. This squad- 
ron cr)nsisted of six ships of no great burden, and indifferently 
provided for a long voyage. 

He now meditated a diiferent course from v/hat he had before 
undertaken: still possessed with those erroneous ideas, which at 
iirst induced hi in to consider the country he had discovered, as 
a part of the continent of India ; he expected to find those fertile 
regiorij^ to the south-west of the countries he had discovered. lie 
tiierefpre proposed, as the most certain for finding out these to 
stand directly for the Cape de Vera islands, until he came under 
the equinoctial line, and then to stretch to tlie west before a fa- 
vournble wind vvhich blows invariably betv.'een tlie tropics. 

Full of this idea he sel sail for his third voyage, on the thirtieth 
of Mavj 1^98, and touclied at the Canaries and Cape de Veid 
I'Niands ; from Ferro he despatched three of his ships with a sup- 
ply of provisions for th.e colony of Hispaniola, with the other 
three he pursued his course to the south. 

No remarkable occurrence happened u!itil they arrived within 
five degrees of the line, when ihey were becalmed, and the heat 
was so excessive that the Spaniards were apprehensive the ships, 
would take fire j their fears were relieved by a shower of raLP> 



44 HISTORY OF 

New-Hampshire followed the example of Rhode-Island, and 
seized a small fort for the sake of the powder and military stores 
it contained. In Pennsylvania, however, a t-onvention was held 
which expressed an earnest desire of reconciliation with the mo- 
ther country; though at the same time in the strongest manner 
declaring, that they were resolved to take up arms in defence of 
their just rights, and defend, to the last, their opposition to the 
late acts of parliament; and the people were exhorted to apply 
themselves with the greatest diligence to the prosecution of such 
manufactures, as were lucessary for their defence and subsist- 
ence; such as salt, saltpetre, gunpowder, steel, &c. This was 
the universal voice of the colonies, New-York only excepted. 
The assembly of that province, as yet ignorant of the fate of their 
last remonstrance, refused to concur with the other colonies in 
their determinati«m, to throw off' the British yoke: their attach- 
ment was nevertheless very faint, and by the event, it appeared, 
that a perseverance of the measures which the ministry had 
adopted, was sufficient to unite them to the rest. 

In the beginning of February, the provincial congress met at 
Cambridge, and as no friends to Britain could now find admit- 
tance into tliat assembly, tiie only consideration was how to make 
proper preparations for war. Expertness in military discipline 
was earnestly recommended, and several military institolions es- 
tablished : among which that of the minute-men was most remark- 
able. These were chnsen from the most active and expert among 
the militia ; and their business was to keep themselves in constant 
readiness, at the call of their officers; from which perpetual dU 
ligence they derived their appellation. 

it was now thought that a very slight occasion would bring on 
hostilities, for both parties were so much exasperated by a long 
course of reproaches, and literary warfare, that they wore filled 
with the utmost inveteracy against each other. 

On the twenty-sixth of February, 1775, general Gage, having 
been infornjed that a number of field pieces had been brought up 
to Salem, despatched a party to seize them. Their road was ob- 
structed by a river, over which was a dra\i'-bridge. This the 
peoj»le had palled up, and refused to let down : upon >'»hich the 
soldiers seized a boat to ferry them over, but the people cut out 
her bottom. Hostilities would immediately have comnienced had 
it not been for the interposition of a clergyman, who represented 
to the military, on the onejiand, the folly of opposing such num- 
bers ; and to the people, on the other, that as the day was far spent 
the military could not execute their design, so that they might, 
without any fear, leave them in the quiet possession of the draw- 
bridge. This was complied with; and the soldiers, after having 
remained some time at the bridge, returned without executing 
their orders. 



AMERICA. 45 

The next attempt was attended with more serious consequences. 
General Gasre iincherstandinp; tliat a large quantity of ammunition 
and military stores had been collected at Concord, about twenty 
miles from Boston, and where the provincial congress was sitiing, 
sent a detatchment, under the command of colonel Smith and 
major Piti'airn, to destroy the stores; and, as was reported, to 
seize Hancock and Adams, two leading men of the conpjress. 

They set out before day break, on the nineteenth of April, 
Tnarchinq; with the utmost silence, and securing every one they 
Jit with upon the road, that they might not be discovered; but, 
notwithstanding all their care, the continual ringing of the bells 
and firing of guns,as they went along, soon gave ihem notice, that 
the country was alarmed; about five in the morning they had 
reached Lexifjgton, fifteen miles from Boston, where the mili- 
tia of the place were exercising. A British officer called out to 
them to disperse ; but as t!»ey still continued in a body, he advanc- 
ed and discharged his pistol, and ordered his men to fire; who 
instantly obeyed, and killed and wounded several of the militia; 
the detachment then proceeded to Concord, where, having des- 
troyed the stores, they were encountered by tha Americans; and 
a scuttle ensued, in which several fell on both sides. 

The purpose of their expedition being accomplished, it was ne- 
cessary for the king's troops to retreat, which they did through a 
continual fire kept upon them from Concord to Lexin^jton. Here 
their ammunition was totally expended ; and they would have been 
unavoidably cut off, had not a considerable reinforcement, com- 
manded by lord Percy, met them. The Americans, however, con- 
tinued the attack with great fury, and galled the British from 
behind stone fences, as they retreated : and had it not been for 
two field pieces, which lord Percy brought with him, the whole 
detachment would stiil have been in the utmost danger. 

The impetuosity of the Americans beinjj; thus checked, the British 
made good their retreat to Boston, with the loss of two hundred 
and fifty killed and wounded ; that of the Atnericans about sixty ». 

The spirits of die Americans were raised by this engagement, 
and the power of Britain became less formidable in their view;, 
they now meditated nothing less than the total expulsion of the 
troops from Boston. An artny of tv/cnty thousand men was assem- 
bled ; a line of encampment was formed from Roxbury to Mystic, 
through a si)ace of about thirty miles; and here tliey were soon 
after joined by a large body of Connecticut troops, under the 
command of general Putnam, an old ofncer of great bravery 
and experieiipe. By this formidable force was the town of Boston 
shut up. Gefieral Guge, however, had so strorgly fortified it, thac 
the enen»y, powerful as they were, feared to make the attack. 

But towards the end of May, a considerable reinforcement hav» 
ing arrived, with the generals, Howe, Burgojne, and Clmtonj.h5i; 



46 HISTORY OF 

was soon enafbled to attempt something of consequence: and tliis 
tlie boast of the provincials seemed to render necessary. Some 
skirmishing, in the meantime, happened in the islands lying oft' 
Boston harbour, in which the Americans had the advantage, and 
burnt an armed schooner. Nothing decisive, however, took place, 
till the seventeenth of June. In the neighbourhood of Charles- 
town, a place on the northern shore, opposite the peninsula on 
which Boston stands, is a high ground, called Bunker's-hill, 
which overlooks and commands the whole town of Boston. On 
the sixteenth, the provincials took possession of this place;, and 
worked wiih such indefatigable industry, that, to the astonishment 
of their enemies, they had before day light, alinost completed a 
redoubt, with a strong en^renchinent, reaching half a mile east- 
ward, as far as the river My^tic. 

After this, they w ere obliged to sustain a heavy and incessant 
fire from the ships and floating batteries, with \\hi<h Charlestown 
neck was surrounded ; as well as the cannon that could reach »he 
place from Boston. In spite of all opposition, they continued their 
work, and finished it before mid-day. A coiisiderable body of foot 
was then landed at the foot of Bunker's hill, under the command 
of generals Howe and Pigot; the former being appointed to atiack 
the lines, and the latter the redoubt. The Americans having the 
advantaj^e of the ground, as well as of entrenchments, poured 
down upon the Bri'ish such incessant vollies, as threatened the 
whole body w ith destr uction ; and general Howe was for some time 
left almost alone ; all his officers being either killed or wounded. 

The provincials, in the meantime, had taken possession of 
Charlestown, so that general Pigot was obliged to contend with 
them in that plaie, as well as those in the redoubt. The conse- 
quence was, that he was overmatched ; his troops were thrown 
into disorder, and he would, in all pn>bability. have been defeated, 
had not general CI riton advanced to his relief: upon which the 
attack was renewed with fresh fury, so that the provincials were 
driven beyond the neck that leads to Charlestown. 

In the heat of the engaa;ement, the British troops, in order to 
deprive the enemy of a cover, set fire to Charleetown, which was 
totally consumed; and. eventually, the Americans were obliged to 
retreat over Chaikstown neck, which was incessantly raked by 
the fire of the Glasgow man of war, and several floating batteries. 
The loss on the side of the British was computed at one thousand ; 
among whom were nineteen officers killed and seventy wounded. 
The loss of the Americans did not exceed five hundred. 

This w as a dear-bought victory to the British. The Americans 
boasted that the advantage lay on their side, as they had so weak- 
ened the enemy, that they durst not afterwards u.ove out of their 
entrenchments'. This being the first time the provincials were 
in actual service., it must be owned they behaved wilhgreat spirit^: 



AMElliCA. 4? 

Und by no means merited the appellation of cowards, with which 
they were ^o often branded in Britain. In other places the same 
determined spirit appeared. 

Lord North's conciliatory scheme was utterly rejected by the 
assemblies of Pennsylvania' and New-Jersey; and afterwards in 
every other province. The affray at Lexini^ton determined the 
colony of Nev'-York, which had hitherto continued to waver; and 
as the situation of New- York rendered it unable to resist an attack 
from the sea, it was resolved, before the arrival of a british fleet, 
to secure the military stores, send off the women and children, 
and set fire to the city, if it was still found incapable of defence. 

The exportation of provisions was every where prohibited, 
particularly to the British fishery on the banks of Newfoundland, 
or to such other colonies in -Vmerica, as should adhere to the Bri- 
tish interest. Congress resolved on the establishment of an army, 
and of a large paper currency, in order to support it. 

In the inland noithern colonies, colonels Easton and Ethan Al- 
len, without receiving any orders from Congress, or communi- 
cating their design to any body, with a party of two hundred and 
fifty men, surprised the forts of Crown-point and Ticonderoga, 
and those that formed a communication betwixt the colonies and 
Canada. On this o«*easion two hundred cannon fell into their 
hands, some brass field-pieces, mortars and milifary stores, to«;e- 
ther with two armed vessels, and materials for the construction 
of others. 

After the battle of Bunker's-hill, the provincials erected for- 
tifications on the heights which commanded Charlestown, and 
strengthened the rest in such a manner, that there was no hope 
of their being driven from thence; at the same time, their bold- 
ness and activity astonished the British officers, who had been 
accustomed to entertain a mean and unjust opinion of their 
courage. 

The troops shut up in Boston, were soon reduced to distress* 
They were obliged to attempt carry ina; off the cattle on the 
islands before Boston, which produced frequent skirmishes; but 
the provincials, better acquainted with the navigation of the 
shores, landi'd on the islands, and destroyed or carried oft' what- 
ever was of any use, burned the lighthouse at the entrance of the 
harbour, and took prisoners the workmen employed to repair it, 
as weii as a party of marines sent to protect them. Thus the 
garrison was reduced to the necessity of sending out armed ves- 
sels, to make prizes indiscrisninately of all that came iti their way, 
and of landing in different places, "to plunder for subsistence, as 
well as they could. 

The Congress, in the meantime, continued to act with vigour. 
Articles of coi* federation and perpetual union were drawn up, 
and solemnly agreed to: by which they bound themselves and 
their posterity forever, as follows. 



48 HISTORY OF 

1. Each colony was to he independent within Itself, and to re- 
tain an iihst)lute sovereignty in all domestic aft.;irs. 

£. lK«le}]fates to be annually elected, to meet in Congress, at 
such tiuie and place as shouldi be enacted in the pieceediug Con- 
gress. 

3. This assembly siionld have the power of determining war, 
or peace, making alliances; and in short, ail that power which 
sovereigns of states usually claim as their own. 

4. The expenses were to be paid out of the common treasury, 
and raised bv a poll tax on niales between 16 and GO, the pro- 
portions to he deter<'.ined by the laws of the colony. 

5. An executive council to be appointed to act in place of the 
Congress dufing its recess. 

6. No colony to make war with the Indians without consent of 
Congress. 

7. The boundaries of all the Indian lands to be ascertained and 
secured to them; and no purchases of lands were to be made by 
individuals, or even by a c(dony, without consent of Congress. 

8. Agents appointed by Congress should reside among the Indi- 
ans, to prevent frauds in tiading with them, and to relieve, at the 
public expense, their wants and distresses. 

9. This confederation to last until there should be a reconcili- 
ation with Britain; or if that event should not take plaee, it waat^j 
to be perpetual. ™' 

After the action of Bunker's-hill, however, when the power of 
Great Britain appeared less formidable to the Americans than be- 
fore, Congress proceeded to justify their proceedings, in a decla- 
ration drawn up in terms more expressive, and well calculated to 
excite attention. ** Were it possible (said they) for men who ex- 
ercise their reason, to believe that the Divine Author of our exis- 
tence intended a part of the human race to hold an absolute pro- 
petty in, and unbounded power over others, marked out by his 
infinite goodness as the objects of a legal dott.-ination, never to be 
resisted, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of 
these colonies, might at least require from the parliament of Great 
Britain, some evidence that this dreadful authority over them had 
been granted to that body ; but a reverence for our great Creator, 
principles of humanity, and the dictates of common sense must 
convince all those who reflect on the subject, that government 
was instituted to pron.ote the welfare of mankind, and ought to 
be administered to the attainment of that end. 

The legislature of great Britain, stimulated by an inordinate 
passion for pov^er, not only unjustitiable, but which they know to 
be particularl)' repugnant to the constitution of that kingdom, and 
despairing of success in an}' mode of contest where regard should 
be had to law, truth or right, have at length, deserting those, at- 
tempted to efftct their cruel, and impolitic purpose of enslaving 



AMERICA. 4H 

these colonies, by violence; and have thereby rendered it neces- 
sary for us to clo^ with their last appeal from reason, to arms. 
Yet, however blind that assembly niay be, by their intemperate 
rage for unlimited domination, so to slight juslice in the opinion of 
mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations to the rest of 
the world, to make known the justice of our cause." 

After takinjt^ notice of the manner in whioJi their ancestors left 
Britain, the happiness attending the mutual and friendly inter- 
course betwixt that country and her colonies, and the remarkable 
success in the late war; they proceed as follows: *' The new 
ministry finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently de- 
feated, yet still contending, look up to the unfortunate idea of 
granting them a hasty peace, and of then subduing her faithful 
friend. 

These devoted colonies were judged to be in such a sfate as to 
prevent victories without bloodshed ; and all the easy euiolument 
of statutable plunder. The uninterrupted tenor uf their peacea- 
ble and respectful behaviour, from the beginning of their coloniza- 
tion; tiieir dutiful, zealotis, and useful services, durinaj the war, 
though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most honour- 
able manner, by his Majesty, the late king, and by parliament; 
could not save them from the intended innovations. Parliament 
was influenced to adopt the pernicious project; and assuming a 
new power over them, has, in the course of eleven years, {^iven 
such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending 
this power, as to leave no doubt of the etiects of acquiescence 
under it. 

They have undertaken to give and grant our money without 
our consent ; though we have ever exercised an exclusive right 
to dispose of our own property. Statutes have been passed for ex- 
tending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty, and vce admi- 
ralty, beyond their ancient limits; for depriving us of theaccus- 
tomed and inestimable rights of trial by jury, in eases ailecting 
both life and property; for suspending the legislature of one of 
our colonies; for interdicting all commerce to the capital ofano- ' 
ther ; and for altering fundamentally the form of government es- 
tablished by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature, 
and solemnly confirmed by the crown; for exempting murderers 
from legal trial, and in eflect from punishment; for erecting in a 
neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great Bri- 
tain and America, a disj)osition dangerous to our very existence ; 
and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time of profound 
peace. It has alsu been resolved in [>arliament, that colonists, ^ 
charged with committing certain offences, shall be trans]:M>rted to 
England to be tried. But why should we enumerate our injuihs i\i 
in detail ? By one statute it was declared, that parliamenttn w'itli 
of right, make laws to bind us in all cases whatever. W hafsev did 

T 



50 HISTORY UF 

defend us aa;aiiist so enormous, so unlimited a power ? Not a sin* 
gle person who assumes it, is chosen by us, or is subject to our 
control, or inHuence ; but on the contrary, they are all of them 
exempt from the operation of such laws; and an American re- 
venue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is 
raised, would actually lighten their own burdens iu proportion as 
it increases ours. 

AVe saw the misery to which such despotism would reduce us. 
We for ten years incessantly and ineft'ectually besiej^ed the tin one 
as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament, 
in the most mild and decent languajre; but administration, sen- 
sible that we should rei^ard these measures as freemen ought to 
do. sent over lieets and armies to enforce them. 

%Ve have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure; 
ve have even proceeded to break oft' all commercial intercourse 
Avith our fellow subjects, as our last peaceable admonition, that our 
littachment to no nation on earth would supplant our liberty : this 
xve flattered ourselves was the ultimate step of the controversy ; 
but subsequent events have show n how vain was this hope of find- 
ing moderation in our enemies! 

The lords and c(»mmons. in their address in the month of Fe- 
bruary, ir7\?, said, that a rebellion at that time actually existed in 
the province of ^lassacliusetts I>ay ; and that those concerned in 
it had been countenanced and entour:ij:ed by unlawful combina- 
tions, and engageuRMits entered into by his majesty's subjects in 
several of the colonies; and therefore they besought his majesty 
That he would take the most etVecttial measures to enforce due 
obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme leg;islature. 
Soon after, the commercial intercourse of those colonies with fo- 
reign countries was cut off by an act of parliaujent; by another, 
several of them were entirely prohibited from the fisheries in the 
::?eas near their coasts, on wluch they always depended for their 
i^ubcistenee; and large reinforcements of ships and troops were 
immediately sent over to ijeneral Gage. Fruitless wei e all the en- 
treaties, arguments, and eloquence, of an illustrious band of the 
most distiiiiiuislied peers and commoners, who nobly and strenu- 
ously asserted the justice of our cause, to stay or even to mitigate, 
ihe heedless fury w ith which these accumulated outrajjes were hur- 
jied on. Equally fruitless was the interference of the city of Lon- 
don, of Bristol, and of many other respectable towns in our favour. 
After havina; reproached parliament, general Gage, and the 
;i^ritish oovcrnment, in general, they proceed thus: »» We are re- 
duced to tl.e alternative of choosing an unconditional subn)ission 
^.•^ tyranny, or resistance by force, 'ihe latter is our choice. We 
r^^\^^ counted the cost of this coitest. and find nothing so dreadful 
be ha^j^i^^^^y gj^vcry. Honou'*. justice, and humanity, forbid us 
tempo., ^^j surrender that freedom which we leeeived from our 



AMEPJCA. at 

gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a n2;ht 
to receive frotn us. Oar cause is just; oar union is perfect; our 
internal resources are great; ami if necessary, foreign assistance 
is undoubtedly attainable. We light not for -lory or conquest ; we 
exhibit to m-rinkind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked 
bv unprovoked enemies. Tliey boast of their privilej^es and civi- 
lisation, and yet proller no uiilder conditions than servitude or 
death. In our nauve land, in defence of the freedom that is our 
birthright, for the protection of our property, acquired by the honest 
industry of our forefathers, and ourown, aj;:tiast violence actually 
otVered, we have taken up arms; we shall lay them down when 
hostilities shall cease on the part of our aggressors, and all danger 

of their being renewed shall be removed and not before.-' 

These are so:ne of the most striking passages in the declaration 
of Cona;ress on taking up arms against Great Britain. Without 
inquiring whether the principles on which it is founded are right 
or wrong, the determined spirit which it shows, ou^ht to have con- 
vinced the ministry that the conquest of America was an event not 
reasonably to be expected. In every oiher respect an equal spirit 
was shown ; and the rulers of the British nation had the mortifi- 
cation to see those whom they styled rebels and traitors, succeed 
in negociations in which they themselves were utterly foiled. In 
the passing the Quebec bill the ministry had flattered themselves 
that the Canadians would be so much attached to them on account 
of restoring the French laws, that they would readily join in any 
attempt against the colonists, who had reprobated tliat bill in 
such strong terras; but in this, as in every thing else, they found 
themselves much mistaken. 

The Canadians having been subject to the British government 
for a period of fifteen years, and being thus made sensible of the 
superior advantages of the laws of that country, received the bill 
with evident marks of disapprobation ; so far, that they repro- 
bated it as tyrannical and oppressive. 

A scheme had been formed for general Carlefcony governor of 
the province, to raise an army of Canadians, wherewith to act 
against the Americans; and so sanguine were t\\Q hopes of ad- 
niinistrati<»n, in this respect, that they had sent twenty thousand 
stands of arms and a great quantity of military stores to Quebec, 
for that purpose. But the people, though they did not join thft 
Americans, yet were fotind immovitble in their purpose to remain 
neuter. Application was made to the bishop; but he declined to 
use his inlluence, as contrary to the rules of the popish clergy ; Sf» 
that the utmost elVorts of government in this province were found 
abortive. 

The British administration ncvt tried to engage the Indians, in 
their cause. But though agents were dispersed among them with 
hv^c presents to the chiefs, they universally replietl,that they did 



52 HISTORY OF 

not understand the nature of the quarrel, nor could they distin- 
guish whether those who dwelt in America, or those on the other 
side of the ocean, w ere in the fault ; but lliej v/ere surprised to see 
Englishmen ask their assistance against one another, and advis- 
ed them to be reconciled, and not to think of shedding the blood 
cf their brethren. 

To the representations of congress they paid more attention. 
These informed them that the English on the other side of the 
ocean, had taken up arms to enslave, not only their countrymen in 
America, but the Indians also; and if they overeame the colonists, 
themselves would soon be reduced to slavery also. The savages, 
upon maturely weighing the subject, concluded to remain neuter; 
and thus the colonists were freed from a most danijerous enemy. 

On this occasion, Congress held a solemn conference with the 
different tribes of Indians. A speech was proposed, which exhi- 
bits a specimen of the manner in which Europeans always address 
the savage inhabitants of America. 

^'Brothers, Sache?ns, and IVarriors! 

"We, the delegates from the twelve united provinces, now 
'^sitting in general congress at Philadelphia, send our talk to you 
" our brotliers. 

'* Brothers and Friends now attend! 

" When our fathers crossed the great water, and came over io 
«• this land, the king of England gave them a talk, promising them 
<'that they and their children should be his children, and if they 
" would leave their native country, and make settlements, and 
" live here, and buy and sell, and trade with their brethren beyond 
" the great water, they should still keep hold of the same cove- 
" nant chain, and enjoy peace ; and it was covenanted, that the 
"fields, houses, goods, and possessions, which our fathers should 
"acquire, should remain to them as their own, and be their chil- 
♦'dren's forever, and at their sole disposal. 

^i Brothers and Friends o;pen an ear! 

"We will now tell you of the quarrel betwixt the counsellors 
"of king George and tlie inhabitants of the colonies of America. 

"Many of his counsellors have persuaded him to break the 
"covenant chain, and not to send us any more goOd talks. They 
" have prevailed upon him to enter into a i.'ovenafit against us. and 
"have torn asunder, and cast behind their backs, the good old 
" covenant which their ancestors and ours entered into, and took 
" strono-hold of. They now tell us they wvil put their hands into 
[' our pockets without asking, as though it were their own, and at 



AMERICA. 53 

"their will and pleasure ; they will take from us our charter, or 
« written civil constitution, which we love as our lives; also our 
«' plantations, our houses, and our goods, whenever they please, 
<« without asking our leave. They tell us also, that our vessels may 
« go to that or this island in the sea, but to this or that particular 
<' island, we shall not trade any more ; and in case of our non-com- 
« pliance with these new orders, they shut up our harbours. 

"Brothers, we live on the same ground with you; the same 
« island is our common birth-place. We desire to sit down under 
" the same tree of peace with you : let us water its roots, and 
" cherish the growth, till the large leaves and flourishing branches 
<' shall extend to the setting; sun, and reach the skies. If any 
"thing disa,:.r;reeabie should ever fall out between us, the twelve 
" United Colonies, and you, the Six Nations, to wound our peace, 
" let us immediately seek measures for healing the breach. From 
" the present situation of our affairs, we judge it expedient to kin- 
" die up a small fire at Albany, where we may hear each other's 
« voice, and disclose our minds fully to one another." 

The other remarkable transactions of this Congress, were the 
ultimate refusal of the conciliatory proposal made by lord North, 
of which such sanguine expectations had been formed by the Eng- 
lish ministry; and the appointment of a generalissimo to com- 
mand their armies, which were now very numerous. The person 
chosen for this purpose, was George VVashington, a man univer- 
sally beloved : he was raised to the high station of Commander 
in Chief, by the unanimous voice of Congress, in 1775: and his 
subsequent conduct shewe^'him every way worthy of it. Horatio 
Gates and Charles Lee, two English officers of considerable re- 
putation, were also chosen ; the former adjutant-general, the lat- 
ter major general. Artemas Ward, Philip Schuyler, and Israel 
Putnam, were likewise nominated major-generals. Seth Pome- 
roy, Richard Monls»;omery, David Wooster, William Heath, 
John Thomas, John Sullivan, and Nathaniel Green, were chosen 
brigadier-generals at the same time. 

About this period Georgia sent deputies to congress, expressing 
their desire to join the confederacy. The reasons they gave for 
their renouncing their allegiance to Britain was, that the conduct 
ofparliament towards the other colonies had been oppressive; and 
though the obnoxious acts had nut been extended to them, they 
could view this only as an omission, because of the seeming little 
consequence of their colony; and therefore looked upon it rather 
as a slight than a favour. At the same time, they framed a pe- 
tition lo the kin%, similar to that sent by the other colonies, and 
whu-h met a sin^ilar reception. 

The success which had hitherto attended the Americans, now 
emboldened them to act offensively against Great Britain. The 
eon^uest of Canada appeared to be practicable, and which Avould 

T2 



54 mSTORY OF 

be attended with many advantages ; and as Crown Point and Ti^ 
conderoga were already in their hands, the invasion that way 
might be easily ett'eeted, and supposed that Quebec might be re- 
duced during the winter, before the fleets and armies, which they 
■were well assured would sail thither from Britain, should arrive. 
Congress therefore ordered three thousand men under the com- 
mand of generals Montgomery and Schuyler to proceed to Lake 
Champlain, from whence they were to be conveyed in flat-bot- 
tomed boats to the mouth of the river Sorel, a branch of the river 
St. Lawrence, and en N\hich is situated a fort of the same name 
with the river. On the other hand, they were opposed by general 
Carleton, governor of Canada, a man of great activity and expe- 
rience in var; \^ho, with a small number of troops, had been able 
to keep in av\e the disaSi'ected people in Canada, notwithstand- 
ing all the representations of the colonists. He had now aug- 
mented his army with a number of Indians, and prom-ised, even 
in his present situation, to make a formidable resistance. 

When general Montgomery arrived at Crown Point, he re- 
ceived information that several armed vessels were stationed at 
St. Johns, a strong fort on the Surel, v\ith a view to prevent his 
crossing the lake : on which he took possession of an island which 
commands the mouth of the Sorel, and by which he could prevent 
them from entering the lake. In- conjunction with general Schuy- 
ler, he next proceeded to St. Johns; but finding that place too 
strong, it v\as agreed in a council of war, to retire to Isle aux 
Koix, where general Schu^^ler being taken ill, Montgomery \^as 
left to command alone. His first step was to gain over the Indi- 
ans, whom general Carleton had employed, and this he in part 
accomplishtnl ; after which, on receiving the full number of troops 
appointed for the expedition, he determined to lay siege to St. 
Johns; in this he was the more encouraged by the reduction of 
Chan bjee, a small fort in the neighbourheo<l, Vvhere he fonnd a 
large supply of powder. An attempt was made by general Carle- 
ton to re lit ve the place; for which purpose, he collected ona 
thousand i anadians, while colonel Maclean proposed to raise a 
regiment ot Higiilanders, who had emigrated from their own 
country to Ameiica. 

But vhile general Carleton was on his march with these new 
levies, he a as attacked by the provincials, and defeated ; which 
being made knoun to Macdonald's party, tliey abandoned him 
without striking a blow, and he was obliged to retreat to Quebec. 
The defeat cf general Carleton was considered as a suflicient re- 
compencefor ihat of coloi-el Kthan Alien, which had happened a 
short time previous to this. 

The success of colonel Allen against Grown Point and Ticonde- 
•roga had emboldened him to make a similar attempt on Montre- 
al \ but the militia of the place, supported by a detachment of r£*- 
guiars, calireiy defeated him, aud he was taken prisoiver,. 



AMERICA. J5 

The garrison of St. Johns being informed of the defeat of gen- 
eral Carleton, and seeing no hope of relief, surrendered them- 
selves prisoners of war. They were in number five hundred reg- 
ulars and two hundred Canadians, among whom were many of 
the French nobility, who had been very active in promoting the 
cause of Britain among their countrymen. General Montgomery 
next took measures to prevent the British shipping from passing 
down the river from Montreal to Quebec. This he accomplished 
so eftectually that the whole were taken. The town surrendered 
at discretion ; and it was with the utmost difficulty that general 
Carleton escaped in an open boat, favoured by a dark night. No 
obstacle now remained to impede their progress to the capital, ex- 
cept what arose from the nature of the country ; and these indeed 
were very considerable. 

But it seems that nothing could damp the ardour of the provin- 
cials. Although it was in the middle of November, and the depth 
of winter at hand, colonel Arnold formed the design of penetiating 
through the woods and morasses, from New England to Canada, 
by a nearer route, than that which Montgomery had chosen ; and 
this he accomplished in spite of every difficulty, to the astonish- 
ment of all who seen or heaid of the attempt. A third part of his 
men under another colonel, had been obliged to leave him by the 
way for want of provisions; the total want of artillery, ren- 
dered his presence insignificant before a place so stronglv Citifi- 
ed ; and the smallness of his army, rendered it doubtful whether 
he could take the town by surprise. 

The Canadians were amazed at the exploit; but none of them 
as yet took up arms in behalf of America. The consternation into 
which the town of Quebec was thrown was detrfmental to the 
Americans, as it doubled the vigilance of the inhabitants to pre- 
vent any surprise ; and the appearance of common danj<er, united 
all parties, who, before the arrival of Arnold, were violently con- 
tending with one another. lie was, therefore, obliged to content 
himself with blocking up the avenues of the town, with hopes of 
distressing the inhabitants for want of provisions ; and even this 
he was not able effectually to accomplish, with such a small num- 
ber of men. 

The arrival of general Montgomery, although it raised the spi- 
rits of the party, yet the small force he had with him, when 
joined to that of Arnold, was too weak to reduce a place so strono-- 
ly fortified; they having only a few mortars and field pieces, 
which were not to be depended upon. 

The siege having continued through the month of December, 
general Montgomery, still finding he could not a<'complish his end 
any other way than by surprize, resolved to make the attempt on 
the last day of the year 1775. He advanced by break of day, m 
the midst of a heavy fail of saow^ which covered hh laea Ttroiii 



56 HISTORY OF 

the sight of the enemy. Two real attacks were made by himseit 
and colonel x\rnold ; at the same time two feigned attacks were 
made in other places, hoping thereby to distract the garrison, and 
divide their forces. One of the real attacks was made by the 
New York troops, and the other by those of New England under 
Arnold. By a mistake in the signal for the attack being given too 
soon, their hopes of surprizing the town were defeated. 

General Montgomery himself had the most dangerous place, 
being obliged to pass between the river and some high rocks on 
uhich the upper town stands; so that he made all the haste he 
could to close with the enemy. His faie was soon decided. Hav- 
ing forced the first barrier, a violent discharge of musquetry and 
grape shot from the second, killed him, the [)rincipal officers, and 
the most of the party he commanded : those who remained, im- 
mediately retreated. Colonel Arnold, in the meantime, made a 
desperate attack on the lower town, and carried one of the bar- 
riers, after an obstinate resistance for an hour; but in the action 
he was himself wounded, which obliged him to withdraw. The 
attack however was continued by the officers whom he had left, 
and another barrier was forced : but the garrison, now perceiving 
that nothing was to be feared but from that quarter, collected 
their whole force against it : and after a desperate engagement 
for three hours, overpowered the provincials and obliged ihem ta 
surrender. Such a terrible disaster left no hope remaining of the 
accomplishment of their purpose ; as general Arnold could not 
muster more than eight hundred men under bis command. 

He did not, however, abandon the province, but removed about 
three miles from Quebec, where he found means to annoy the 
garrison by intercepting their provisions. 

The Canadians still continued friendly, notwithstanding the bad" 
success of the American arms ; which enabled him to sustain the 
hardships of a winter encampujent in that most severe climate. 

Congress far from passing any censure on his conduct, created 
him a brigadier-general. 

While hostilities were thus carried on in the north, the flame 
of contention was gradually extending itself to the south. Lord 
Dunmore, the governor of Virginia, was involved in disputes si- 
milar to those which had taken place in the other colonies. He 
dissolved the assembly, which in this province was attended with 
a consequence unknown to the rest. The slaves in Virginia were 
numerous, it was necessary that a militia should be kept constant- 
ly in readiness to keep them in awe. Duiing the dissolution of 
the assenibly, the militia laws expired, and the people, after com- 
plaining of the danger they were in from the negroes, formed a 
convention, which enacted, that each county should raise a quota 
for the defence of the province. Dunmore, upon this, removed 
the powder froia Wiliiamsburgh : which created, such discon- 



AMERICA. 57 

tent, that an /mmediate quarrel would have ensued, had not the 
merchants of tiie town undertaken to obtain satisfiiction for the 
supposed injury done to the community. 

This tranquility was soon interrupted ; the people were alarm- 
ed by a report, that an armed party were on their way trom the 
man of war, to where the powder had been deposited, they as- 
sembled in arms, determined to oppose any further removals. 

In some of the conferences that passed at this time the gover- 
nor let fall some unguard?Mi expressions, such as threatening themi 
with setting up the royal standard, proclaiming liberty to the ne- 
groes, and destroying the town of Williatnsburgh : which were 
afterwards made public, and exag2;erated in such a manner, as 
greatly to increase the public ferment. 

Assemblies of the people were frequently held. Some of them 
took up arms, with an intention to force the governo rto restore the 
powder, and to take the public money into their own possession: 
but on their v/ay to Wil'iamsburgh, for this purpose, they were 
met by the receiver-general, who became security for the pay- 
ment of the gunpowder ; and the inhabitants promised to take 
care of the magazine and public revenue. 

The governor was so much intimidated by this insurrection, 
that he sent his family on board a man of war. He issued a pro- 
clamation, in which he declared the behaviour of the persons who 
provoked the tumult, treasonable ; accused the people of disaffec- 
tion, &c. The people recriminated: and some letters of his to 
Britain being about the same time discovered, consequences en- 
sued nearly similar to those which had been occasioned by the 
letters of governor Hutchinson, of Boston. 

The governor, in this state of confusion, thought it necessary to 
fortify his palace : and procured a party of marines to guard it. 
About this time lord North's conciliatory proposal arrived ; and 
the governor used his utmost endeavours to cause the people to 
comply with it. The arguments v,'ere plausible; and, had not 
matters already gone to such a length, it is highly probable that 
some attention i^ould have been paid to them. ''Ihe view (he 
said) in which the colonies ought to heboid this conciliatory pro- 
posal, was no more than an earnest admonition from Great Bri-i 
tain, to relieve their wants ; that the utF'OS^ condescension had 
been used in the mode of application, no determinate sum having 
been fixed ; as it was thought mosi; worthy of British generosity, 
to take what they thought could be conveniently spared ; and 
like^^ise to leave the mode of raisisi*? it to themselves," &c. But 
the clamour and dissatisfaction had now become so universal, 
that no ofi'ers, however favourable, from government would be 
attended to. 

The governor had called an assembly, for the purpose of lay- 
ing this conciliatory proposal before ihem : but it was little ^t- 



58 HISTORY, &c. 

As soon as his health would permit, he repaired to cour 
where he was received with civility barely decent : he presen 
ed petition after petition, demanded the punishment of his o. 
pressors, and the rights and privileges bestowed upon him, I 
"P the capitulation of one thousand four hundred and ninety twt 
Ferdinand continued to amuse him with fair words and unmeai 
ing promises. Instead of granting his claims, he proposed e> 
pedients in order to elude them. 

The declining health of Columbus, flattered Ferdinand wit 
the hopes of being soon delivered from an importunate suitor : 
nor was he deceived in his expectations. Disgusted with the in 
gratitude of a monarch, whom he had served with such fidelitw 
and success, worn out with fatigue and hardships, and brokery 
with infirmities, which these brought upon him, Columbus end- 
ed his life at Valladolid, on the twentieth of May, one thousai# 
five hundred and six, in the fifty- ninth year of his age. He 
died with composure of mind, suitable to the magnanimity 
M^hich distinguished his character, and with sentiments of pietv 
becoming that supreme respect for religion, which he manifested 
in every occurrence of his life. 



HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



BOOK IT. 

WHILE Columbus was employed in his last voyage, the colo- 
7 of Hispaniola was g;ra«iually acquiring the form of a regular 
>vernment : the humarie solicitude of Isabella to protect the In- 
ans from oppression, and the prnclatnation, by which the Span- 
rds were prohibited from fiompelling them to work, retarded, 
r some time, the progress of improvement. The natives, who 
)nsidcred exemptitin fr^m labour as supreme happiness, reject- 
!, with scorn, every alurement by which they were invited to 
01 k. The Spaniards, accustomed to the service of the Indians, 
•litted the island ; many of those who came over with Ovando 
ere seized with distempers pecu^liar to the climate; and in a 
iorf time near a thousand of them died. At the same time, the 
emand of one half of the product of the mines claimed by the 
own, was found to be an exaction so exorbitant, that there was 
ne to be found that would engage to work them upon such terms. 
Hando, to save the colony from ruin, relaxed the rigour of the 
lyal edicts, and again distributed the Indians among the Span- 
rds, compelling them to work for a stated time, in digging the 
tines, or in cultivating the ground : to cover this breach of his 
istructions, he enjoined their masters to pay them a certain sum 
s the price of their work. He reduced the royal share of the 
JA found in the mines to one fifth, and was so fortunate as to 
erHuade the court to approve of these regulations. 
The Indians, after enjoying a short respite from servitude, now 
"elt the yoke of bondage to be so galling, that they made several 
ttempts to regain their freedom. This the Spaniards considered 
iS rebellion, and took arms in order to reduce them to obedience : 
considering them not as men fighting in defence of their liberty, 
out as slaves, who had revolted against their masters. Their ca- 
ziques when taken, were condemned like the leaders of a ban- 
ditti, to the most cruel and ignominious punishments; and all 
their subjects, without regard to rank, were reduced to the same 
abject slavery. Such was the fate of the cazique of Higuey, a 
province in the eastern extremity of the island. 

This war was occasioned by the perfidy of the Spaniards, in vi- 
olating a treaty, began and concluded by them with the natives: 
and was terminated by hanging up ihe cazique, who defended his 
people with a bravery that deserved a better fate. 

But his treatment of Anacoana, a female cazique, was still more 
treacherous and cruel. The proviuce anciently called Xaragua, 
which extends from the fertile plain where Leogane is now sita- 



()0 HISTORY OF 

chester-neck, which (he Americans had fortified in such a mac- 
ner, as would in all probability, have rendered the enterprixe next 
to desperate. No difficulties, however, were sufficient to daunt 
the spirit of the {general ; and every thing was in readiness, when 
a sudden storm prevented an exertion, which must have been 
productive of a dreadful waste of blood. Next <lay, upon a more 
close examination of the works, it was thouji;ht advise.able to desist 
from the attack altivgether. The fortifications were very strong, 
and well provided with artillery ; and upwards of one hundred 
hogsheads tilled with stones, were provided to roll down upon 
the enemy as they came up ; which, as the ascent was very steep, 
must have done 2;reat execution. 

Nothing therefore now remained for the British, but to retreat ; 
and to effect this, there appeared great difficulty and danger. 
But the Articricans, knowing that it was in the power of the ene- 
my to reduce the town to ashes, which could not have been re- 
paired in many years, did not think proper to give the least mo- 
lestation ; and for the space of a fortnight the troops were em- 
ployed in the evacuation of the place, from whence they carried 
along with them two thousand of the inhabitants, who durst not 
stay on account of their attachment to the British cause. 

From Boston they sailed to Halifax, but all their vigilance could 
not prevent a number of valuable ships from falling into the hands 
of the provincials. A considerable quantity of cannon and ammu- 
nition had also been left at Bunker's hill and Boston neck ; and in 
the town an immense variety of goods, principally of woollen 
and linen, of which the provincials stood very much in need. 
The estates of those who fled to Halifax were confiscated : as 
also of those who had remained in the town, and who had shewn 
a decided attachment t(» the British government. 

As an attack was expected as soon as the British forces should 
arrive, every method vvas employed to render the fortifications 
impregnable. For this purpose some foreign engineers were em- 
ployed, who had arrived »t Boston ; and so eager were the peo- 
ple of all ranks to accomplish this business, that every able-bodied 
man in the place, without distinction of rank, set apart two days 
in the week to complete it the sooner. 

The Americans, exasperated by the proceedings of parlia- 
ment, which placed tiiem out of the royal protection and engag- 
ed foreign nercenaries in the plan fur subduing them, now for- 
mally unounced all connexion with Britain. and declared them- 
selves independent. This celebrated declaration was published 
on the fourth ot July, 1776, as follows: 

*' When in the course of human events it becomes necessary 
for one people to dissolve the political bands which have con- 
nectetlll.em viith another, and to assume, aruong the powers of 
the earih, the separate and equal fetation to which the laws of n^-f. 



AMERICA. t)i. 

lure and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the 
opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes 
which impel them to the separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident... .that all men are cre- 
ated equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain 
unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the 
pursuit of happiness- That to secure these rights, governments 
are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the 
consent of the governed ; that whenever any form of government 
becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to 
alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government layingits^ 
foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such 
form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and 
happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long 
established, should not be changed for light and transient causes 5 
and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are 
more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right 
themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustom- 
ed. But when along train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing 
invariably the same object, evinces a design- to reduce them un- 
der absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw 
off such government, and to provide new guards for their future 
security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies ; 
and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their 
former systems of government., ..The history of the present king 
of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations^ 
all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny 
over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a can- 
did world. 

He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and 
necessary for the public good. 

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and 
pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation, till his 
assent should be obtained ; and when so suspended, he had ut- 
terly neglected to attend to them. 

He has refused to pass other laws, for the accomodation of 
large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the 
right of representation in the legislate e..., a right inestimable to 
them, and formidable to tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies, at places unusual, un- 
comfortable, and distant from the depository of their public re- 
cords, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with 
his measures. 

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing 
withmanlv firmness, his invasions on the rights of *the People. 

He has refused for a long ti ue after such dissolutions, to cause 
others to be electeu ; whertbv the legislative powjirs, incapable 



m HISTORY OF 

of annihilation, have returned to the people at lars;e, for their ex- 
ercise; The State remaining in the meantime, exposed to all the 
danger of invasion from without, and convulsions within. 

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these states ; 
for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of fo- 
reii;ners ; refusing to pass others, to encourage their migration 
hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. 
He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his 
assent to laws, for esiablishing Judiciary Powers. 

He has n»a<le judges dependent on his will alone, for the ten- 
tire of their offices, and the amount and payment of their sala- 
ries. 

He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither 
swarms of offii-ers, to harrass our people, and eat out their sub- 
stance. 

He has kept amons; us in times of peace, standing armies, with- 
out the consent of our Legislature. 

He has aftected to render the military, independent of, and su- 
perior to, the civil power. 

He has combined with others, to sulject us to a jurisdiction, fo- 
reign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws ; giv- 
ing his assent to their acts of pretended legislation. 
Tor quartering large bodies of armed troops among us :.... 
For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any 
murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these 
States :..,. 

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world :.... 
For imposing taxes on us without our consent:.... , 
For depriving us, in many cases, of ihe benelit§ of trial by 
3ury:.... 

Fur transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended of- 
fences :.... 

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighbour- 
ing province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and 
enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example 
and fit instrument, for introducing the same absolute rule into 
these colonies :.... 

tor taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, 
and altering fundamentally the forms of our governn>ents :... 

For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves 
invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. 
He has abdicated government here, by declaring us ou' of his 
protection, and waging war against us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, 
and destroyed the lives of our people. 

He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mer- 
cenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, 



AMEUICA. 63 

already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarce- 
ly parallelled in tiie most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy 
the head of a civilized nation. 

He has constrained our fellow citizens, taken captive on the 
high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the ^ex- 
ecutioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselve by 
their hands. 

He has excited domestic insurrections amon2:st us, and has en- 
deavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the mer- 
ciless Indian savas;es, whose known rule of warfare is an undis- 
tinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. 

In every stage of these oppressions, avo hiwe petitioned for re- 
dress in the most humble terms ; our repeated petitions have been 
answered only by repeated injury. A piince whose character is 
thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, h unfit to 
be the ruler of a Free People, 

Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren, 
V/e have warned them from time to time, of attempts made by 
their Legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over 
us. We have reminded them of the eircumstances of our emi- 
gration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native 
justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ti«s 
of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which 
would inevitably interrupt our connexions and correspondence. 
They, too, have been deafto the voice of justice and consangui- 
nity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which de- 
nounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold^^^he rest of 
mankind. ...enemies in.w^r....in peace, friends. 

*' We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of 
America, in Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judg(5 
of the world for the rectiiude of our intentions, Do, in the name 
and by the authority of the good People(f these colonies, solemn- 
ly declare, that these United Colonics are, and, of right ought to 
be Ft ee and Independent States :....that they are absolved from all 
allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connexion, 
between them and the State of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, 
totally dissolved ; and that, as Free and Independent States, they 
have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, 
estabiisii commeree, and to do all other acts and things which In- 
dependent States may of right do. And for the support of this 
declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Pro- 
vidence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, 
and our sacred honour." 

Previous lo this, a circular letter had been sent through each 
colony, stating the reason for it ; and such was the animosity 
now every where prevailing against Great Britain, that it met 
^vith general approbation, except in the province of Maryland. 



64 HISTORY OF 

alone. It was not long, however, before the people of that coion y, 
finding themselves left in a very dangerous minority, thought 
proper to accede to the measures" of the rest. 

The manifesto itself, was in the usual nervous style, statino- a 
long list of grievances, for a redress of which they had often ap- 
plied, but in vain ; for these reasons they determined on a final 
separation ; and to hold the people of Great Britain, as well as 
the rest of mankind, "enemies in war, in peace friends." 

Alter thus publicly throwing ofiall allei;iance and hope of re- 
conciliation, the colonists soon found that an exertion of ail their 
strength would be necessary to support their pretensions. Their 
arms had not been successful in Canada. Reinforcements had 
been promised to general Arnold, who still continued to blockade 
Quebec : but they did not arrive in time to second his operations. 
But being; sensible (hat he must either desist from the enterprise 
or finish it successfully, he recommenced his operations in form 
and attempted to destroy the shipping: and burn the town. They 
succeeded so far as to burn a number of houses in the suburbs, and 
the garrison were obliged to pull down the remainder, in order to 
prevent the fire from spreading. Notwithstanding the provincials 
were unable to reduce the town, they kept the garrison in contin- 
ual alarms, and in a very disagreeable situation. 

Some of the nobility collected in a body under the command of 
one gentleman whose name was Beaujeau, in order to relieve their 
capital ; but they were met on their march by the provincials 
and defeated. The Americans had but little reason to plume 
themselves upon this success. The want of artillery convinced 
them that it was impracticable in their situation to reduce a town 
so strongly fortified ; the small-pox at the same time made its 
appearance in their camp, and carried off great numbers; inti- 
midating the rest to such a dej^ree, that they deserted in crowds. 
To add to their misfortunes, "the British reinforcements unex- 
pectedly appeared, and the ships made their way with such sur- 
prisina: celerity through the ice, that the one part of the army 
Mas separated from the other, and general Carleton sallying out, 
as soon as the reinforcement was landed, obliged them to fly with 
the utmost precipitation, leaving behind them all their cannon 
and n>ilitary stores ; at the same time that their shipping was cap- 
tured by vessels sent up the river for that purpose. 

On this occasion, the provincials fled with such haste, that they 
could not be overtaken ; so that none fell into the hands of the 
British excepting the sick and the wounded. General Carleton, 
now gave an instance of his hunjanity ; being well apprized that 
many of the provincials had not been able to accompany the rest 
in their retreat: and that they were concealed in the woods, &c. 
in a very deplorable situation, he generously issued a proclama- 
tion, ordering proper persons to seek them out, and give them re^ 



A^IERICA. be- 

lief at the public expense ; and at the same time, lest through fear 
of their being made prisoners, they should refuse these offers 
of humanity, he promised that as soon as their situation enabled 
them they should be at liberty to depart to their respecvive homes. 

The British general, now freed from any danger of an attack, 
was soon enabled to act offensively agitinst the provincials, by the 
arrival of the forces destined for that purpose from Britain. By 
these he was putal the head of twelve thousand rei^ular troops ; 
among whom v^ere those of Brunswick. With this force he set 
out for the Three rivers, where he expected Arnold would have 
made a stand ; but he had retired to JSorei, a place one hundred 
and ^(ty miles from Quebec ; where he was at last met by the 
reinforcements ordered by Congress. 

Here, though the preceding events were by no means caleulat" 
cd to inspire much military ardour, a very daring enterprize was 
undertaken ; and this was to surprise the British troops, posted 
under generals Fraser and Nesbit ; of whom the former com- 
mandtid those on land ; the latter, such as were on board the trans- 
ports, and were but a little way distant. The enterprize was very 
hazardous both on account of the strength of the parties, against 
whom they were to act, and as the main body of the British forces 
were advanced within fifty miles of the place ; besides that a 
number of armed vessels, and transports with troops, lay between 
them and the Three Rivers. Two thousand chosen men, however, 
under general Thompson, engaged in this undertaking. Their 
success v,'as by no means answerable to their spirit and valour. 

Thou2;h they passed the shipping without being observed, gen- 
eral Frazer had notice of their landing, and thus beinaj prepar- 
ed to receive them, they were soon thrown into disorder; at the 
same time that general Nesbit, having landed ids forces, prepared 
^ attack them in the rear. On this occasion, some field pieces 
did prodigious execution ; and a retreat was found to be unavoida- 
ble. General Nesbit Mas now between them and their boats ; so 
that they were obliged to take a circuit through a deep swamp, 
while they were hotly pursued by both parties at the same time, 
>^ho marched for some miles on each side of the swamp, till at 
last the unfortunate provincials were sheltered from further dan- 
ger by a wood at the end of the swamp. Their general, however, 
was taken with iwo hundred of his men. 

By this disaster, the provincials lost all hopes of accomplishing 
any thing in Canada. They, therefore, demolished their works, 
and carried off' their artillery, with the utmost expedition. They 
were pursued b}' general Burgoyne, against whom it was expect- 
ed they would have collected all their force, and make a resolute 
stand. But they were now too much dispirited by ndsfortune, to 
make any more exertions of valour. On the eighteenth of June, 
tlie British general arrived at Fort St. Johns, which he fountt 

U.2 



66 HISTORY OF 

abandoned and burnt. Chamblee had shared the same fate ; as 
well as all the vessels that v ere not cspable^^of being drage;ed up 
the river. It wasthoui^ht thej' would have made some resistance 
at Nut-Island, the entrance to Lake Champlain : but this also 
they abandoned : and retreated across the lake to Crown-point, 
whither they could not be immediately followed. 

Thus was the province of Canada entirely evacuated by the 
provincials, whose loss in their retreat from Quebec, was calcu- 
lated at not less than one thousand men, of whom fourliundred 
in one body, fell into the hands of the enemy at a place called the 
Cedars, ai)out fifty miles from Montreal. General Sullivan, who 
conducted this retreat, after tiie affair of general Thompson, had 
great merit in what he did, and received the thanks of Congress 
accord inoly. 

The bad success in the north was in some measure compensat- 
ed by what happened in the southern colonies.. ..It has been for- 
merly noticed that governor Martin of North Carolina, had been 
obliged (0 leave his province, and take refuge on board of a man 
of war. He notwithstanding did not despair of reducing it again 
to obedience. He, therefore, applied to the regulators, a daring 
set of banditti, who lived in a kind of independent state ; and 
though considered by government as rebels, yet had never been 
molested on account of their known skill in the use of fire arms. 
To the chiefs of these people commissions were sent, in order to 
raise some regiments ; and a colonel Macdonald was appointed to 
command them. In the month of February he erected the king's 
standard, issued proclamations, &c. and collected some forces; 
expecting soon tobe joined by a body of regular troops, who wero 
known to be shipped from Britain to act against the southern col- 
onies. 

The Americans, sensible of their danger, despatched immedi-* 
ately w hat forces they had to act against the royalists, at the samo 
time they exerted themselves to support these with suitable rein- 
forcements. General Moore's numbers at first were inferior to 
Macdonakrs, which induced the latter to hope that he might in- 
timidate him tojoin the king's standard ; with this intention he 
summoned him under the pain of being treated as a rebel if he re- 
fused. But Moore being well provided with cannon, and conscious 
that nothing could be attempted against him, returned the compli- 
ment by acquainting Macdonald, that if he and his party would 
lay down their arms, and subscribe an oath of fidelity to (Jongress, 
they should he treated ar friends, but if the}' persisted in an un- 
dertaking for vvhich it was evident he had not sufficient strength, 
they could not but expect the severest treatment. 

In a few days general Moore found himself at (hie head of 8,000 
men, by reason of the continual supplies which daily arrived from 
all parts. The royal party only amounted to 2,000. and as thej 



AMERICA. 67 

were destitute of artillery, they were prevented from attacking 
the enemy with success, when they had the advantage of num- 
bers. Notliing now remained but to have recourse to a desperate 
exertion of their own personal valour; by dint of which they ef- 
fected a retreat for eighty miles to Moore's Creek, within sixteen 
miles of Wilmington. Could they have gained this place, they ex- 
pected to have been joined by governor Martin, and general Clin- 
ton, who had lately arrived with a considerable detachment. But 
Moore, with his army, pursued them so close, that they were 
obliged to attempt the passage of the creek, on the opposite side 
of v/hich was colonel Casv/ell, with a considerable body of provin- 
cials posted to oppose his passage, with fortitications well planted 
with cannon. On attempting the creek, it was found not to be 
fordable. They were obliged, therefore, to cross over a wooden 
bridge, which the provincials had not time entirely to destroy. 

They had, however, by pulling up part of the planks, and 
greasing the remainder, made the passage so difficult that the roy- 
alists could not attempt it. 

In this situation they were, on the 2rth of February, 1776, at- 
tacked by Moore and his superior army and totally defeated, with, 
the loss of their general and most of their leaders, as well as the 
best and bravest of their men. Thus was the power of the pro- 
vincials established in North Carolina. Nor \f ere they less suc- 
cessful in Virginia, where Lord Dunmore, having long continued 
a predatory war, was at last driven from every creek and road 
in the province. The people he had on board were distressed to 
the highest de^^rre, by contiement in small vessels. The heat of 
the season, and the numbeis crowded together, produced a pes- 
tilential fever, which made great havoc, especially among the 
blacks. At last, finding themselves in the utmost hazard of per- 
ishing by famine, as well as disease, they set fire to the least val- 
uable vessels, reserving only aI>out iifty for themselves, in which 
they bid a final adieu to Virginia, some sailing to Florida, some 
to Bern;uda, and the rest to the West-Indies. 

In South Carolina the provincials had a more formidable ene- 
my to deal with. A squadron, whose object was the reduction of 
Charleston, bad been littcd out in December, 1775, but by reason 
of unfavourable weather did not reach (3ape F^ar in Nv)rth Car= 
olina till the month of May, 1776: and here it met with further 
cbtacles to the end of the month. Thus the Americans had time 
to strengthen the works of Charleston in such a manner as ren- 
dered it extremely difficult to be attacked. 

The British squadron consisted of two fifty gun ships, four of 
thirty guns, two of twenty, and an armed schooner, and bomb- 
ketch, all under *he command of sir Peter Parker. The land for- 
ces were commanded by lord Cornwallis, with generals Clinton 
9,nd Vaughan. As they had yet no iaieiligence of the evacuation 



€^ fllSTORY OF 

of Boston, general Howe despatched a vessel to Cape Fear witli 
some instructions; but it was too late; and in the beginning of 
June, the squadron anchored off* Charleston bar. Here they met 
with some difficulty in crossing, being obliged to take out the guns 
from the two largest ships, which were, notwithstanding, several 
times in danger of sticking fast. The next obstacle was a strong 
fort on Sullivan's island, six miles east of Charleston, which, 
though not completely finished, was very strong. However, the 
British generals resolved without hesitation to attack it; but 
though an attack was easy from sea, it was difficult to obtain a 
cooperation of the land forces. 

This was, however, attempted by landing them on Long Island, 
adjacent to Sullivan's Island on the east, from which it is separted 
by a very narrow creek, not above two feet deep at low water. 
Opposite to this ford, the provincials had posted a strong body of 
troops, with cannon and entrenchments; while general Lee was 
pos'ea on the main land, with a bridge of boats betuixt that and 
Sullivan's island, so 'hat he could at pleasure, send reinforce- 
ments to the troops in the fort on Sullivan's island. 

There were so many delays occurred on the part of the Britishj. 
th".tit was the 24th of June, I7r6, before matters were in readi- 
ness for an attack; and, by this time, the provincials had abun- 
dantly provided fyr their reception. On the morning of that day, 
the bomb-ketch began to throw shells into fort Sullivan, and about 
nnd-day the two Mty gun ships and thirty gun frigates, came up 
and began a severe fire. Three other frigates were ordered to 
take their station between Charleston and the fort, in order to en- 
filade the battel ies. and cut off the communication with the main 
land ; but through the ignorance of the pilots, they all stuck fast, 
and though two of them were disefitangled, they were found to 
be totally unfit for service; the third was burnt, that she might 
not fall into the hands of the enemy. 

1 he attack was therefore confined to the five armed vessels,, 
and bomb-ketch, between whom and the fort, a dreadful fire en- 
sued. The Bristol suffered excessively, the springs on her cable 
being shot auay, she was for a time entirely exposed to the ene- 
my's fire. As the provincials poured in great quantities of red hot 
balls, she was twice in flames. Captain Morris, her commander, 
after receiving five wounds, was obliged to go below deck in or- 
der to have his arm amputated : after undergoing this operation, 
he returned to his station, where he received another wound, 
but still refused to quit his place; at last he received a red hot 
ball in his belly, which instantly put an end to his life. Of all the 
oflicers and seamen, who stood on the quarter deck of this vessel, 
not one escaped without a wound, except sir Peter Parker alone^ 
whose intrepidity and presence of mind, on this occasioDj was 
•y.er^ reinarkkbie> 



AMERICA. 69 

Tlie engagement lasted until the darkness put an end to it. Lit- 
tle damage was doYie bj the British, as the works of the enemy lay 
so low, that many of the shot, flew over ; and the fortifications, 
being compose<l of palm trees, mixed with earth, were well cal- 
culated to resist the impression of cannon. During the height of 
the attack, the batteries of the provincials were silent, so that it 
was concluded that they had been abandoned; but this was found 
to proceed from want of powder; for as soon as a supply of this 
article was obtained, the firing was resumed as brisk as before. 
During the whole of this desperate engagement, it was found im- 
possible for the land forces to render any assistance to the fleet. 

The enemy's works were found to be much stronger than had 
been imagined, and the depth of water effectually prevented them 
from making any attem.pt. In this unsuccessful attempt, the loss 
of the British in killed and wounded was two hundred. The 
Bristol and Experiment, were so much damaged, it was thought 
they could not get over the bar: this they accomplished, however, 
by great exertion of naval skill, to the surprise of the provincials, 
who had expected to have made them both prizes. It was said 
the Americans lost considerable in this engagement. 

In the beginning of March, commodore Hopkins was despatch- 
ed by Congress, with five frigates, to the Bahama islands, where 
he made himself master of the ordnance and military stores; but 
the gunpowder, which had been the principal object, was removed. 
On his return he captured several vessels; but was foiled in his 
attempt on the Glasgow frigate, which found means to escapCj 
notwithstanding the efforts of the whole squadron. 

Hitherto the Americans had been generally successful ; they had 
now to experience misfortune, misery and disappointment; the 
enemy overrunning the country, and their own armies not able 
to face them in the field. Tlie province of New-York, being the 
most accessible by sea, was made the object for the main attack. 
The foice sent against it, consisted of six ships of the line, thirty 
frigates, besides other armed vessels, and a vast number of 
transports. The fleet v/as commanded by lord Howe, and the 
land forces by his brother, general sir William Howe, who was 
now at Halifax. The latter, however, had set sal! a considerable 
time before his brother arrived, and lay before New York, but 
without attempting to commence hostilities, until he should be 
joined by his brother. 

The Americans had, according to custom, fortified New York, 
and the adjacent islands in an extraordinary manner. General 
Howe, notwithstanding, was sutt'ered to land his troops on &5faten 
island, where he was soon joined by a number of inhabitants. 
About the middle of July, lord Howe arrived with the grand ar- 
mament, and being one of the commissioners appointed to receive 
the submission of the colonists, he published a circular letter tQ the 



70 HISTORY OF 

several ^overnnrs, who had lately been expelled from their provin- 
ces, desiring: them to make theVxtent of his commission and the 
powers he was invested with by parliament as public as possible. 

Here, however, the Cono[ress saved him trouble, by ordering 
his letter and declaration to be published in all the newspapers, 
« That every one might see the insidiousness of the British minis- 
try: and, that they had nothing to trust to, besides the exertion 
of their own valour." 

Lord Howe next sent a letter to general Washington ; but as it 
was directed "To George Was^hington, Es(j," the general refus- 
ed to accept it, as not being in a style suited to his station. To ob- 
viate this objection, adjutant-general Patterson was sent with 
another letter directed '* To George Washington, &c. &c. &c." 
but though a very polite reception uas given to the bearer, sjene- 
ral Washington utterly refused the letter, nor r-ouid any expla- 
nation of the adjutant induce him to accept of it. The only in- 
teresting part was that relating to the powers of the commission- 
ers, of whom lord Howe was one. 

The adjutant told him, that these powers were very extensive; 
that the commissioners were determined to exert themselves to 
the utmost, in order to bring about a reconciliation; and that he 
hoped the general would consider this visit as a step towards it. 
General Washington replied, that it did not appear that these 
powers consisted in any thing else than granting pardons; and as 
America had committed no offence, she asked no forgiveness ; 
and, was only defending her unquestionable rights. 

The decision being now left to the sword, no time was lost, and 
hostilities commenced as soon as the British troops could be col- 
lected. This was not done before the month of August, when they 
landed without opposition on liOng Island, opposite to the shore of 
Staten island. General Putnam, with a lari;e body of troops, lay 
encamped, and strongly fortified, on a peninsula on the op])osite 
shore, with a range of hills between the armies, the principal pass 
of which was near a place called Flat-Bush ; here the centre of 
the British army, consisting of Hessians, took post ; the left wing, 
under general Grant, lying near the shore ; and the right consist- 
ing of the greater part of the British force, lay under lord Percy, 
Cornwallis and general Clinton. Putnam had ordered these pas- 
ses to be secured by large detachments, which was executed im- 
mediately with those that were near; but one of the most impor- 
tance, that lay at a distance, was entirely neglected. Through 
this a large body of troops under lord Percy and Clinton, passed, 
and attacked the Americans in the rear, while they were engag- 
ed with the Hessians in front. 

Through this piece of negligence their defeat became inevita- 
ble. Those who were engaged with the Hessians, first perceived 
their mistake, and began to retreat towards their camp: but iho 



AMERICA. n 

passage was intercepted by the British troops, who drove them 
back into the woods. Here thev were met bv the Hessians; and 
thus were they for many hours slaugjhtered betv^een two parties, 
no way of escape but by forcins; th^ir way through the British 
troops, and thus resjaining their camp. In this atlempt many 
perished; and the right wing, engnged with general Grant, shared 
the same fate. The victory was complete; and the Americans 
lost on this fatal day, Au2;ust the twenty seventh, upwards of one 
thousand men, and two generals: several officers of distinction 
were made prisoners, with a number of privates. Among the 
slain a regiment, consisting of young gentlemen of fortune and 
family in Maryland, was almost entirely cut to pieces, and of 
the survivors not one escaped without a wound. 

The ardour of the British troops was now so great, that they 
could scarce be restrained from attacking the lines of the provin- 
cials; hut for this there was now no occasion, as it was certain 
they eould not be defended ; but had the ardour of the soldiers been 
seconded, and general Howe pursued his victory, it might have 
given such a blow to the Americans, and such a turn to their affairs, 
that they would not havSbeen able to have regained that confi- 
dence in their own strength, which they had hitherto maintained. 
Of the British and Hessians about four hundred and fifty were 
lost in tliis engagement. As none of the American commanders 
thought it proper to risk another attack, it was resolved to abandon 
their camp as soon as possible. Accordingly, on the twenty ninth 
of August, the whole of the continental troops were ferried over 
froui Brooklin to New York, with the utmost secrecy and silence ; 
so tha?, in the morning, the British had nothina; to do but lo take 
possession of the camp and artillery which they had abandoned. 

This victory, though complete, was far from being so decisive 
as the conquerors imagined. Lord Howe, supposing it would be 
sufficient to intimidate congress into some terms, sent general 
Sullivan, who had been taken prisoner in the late adion, to con- 
gress with a message, importing, that though he could not consis- 
tently treat with them as a legal assembly, yet he would be very 
glad to confer with any of the members in a private capacity; 
i setting forth, at the same time, the nature and extent of his power 
las commissioner. But the congress were not at all inclined to 
derogate from the dignity of character they had assumed. They 
replied, that the congress of the free and independent states of 
America could not, consistently, send any of its members in ano- 
jther ca;)acity than that which they had publicly assumed; but as 
they were extremely desirous of restoring peace to their country 
upon equitable conditions, they would appoint a committee of their 
body to wait upon him, and learn what proposals he had to make. 
The committee appointed by congress was composed of Dr. 
Franklin, Adams, and Rutledge. They were very politely re- 



72 HISTORY OF 

ceived by his lordship ; but the conference proved fruitless. The 
final answer of the deputies was that fhey v\'ere extremely will- 
ing to enter into any treaty with Great Britain that, might con- 
duce to the good of both nations: but that they would not treat 
in any other character than that of Independent States. This 
positive declaration put an end to all hopes of reconciliation, and 
it was resolved to prosecute the war with the utmost vigour. 

Lord Howe, after publishinga manifesto, in whit*h he declared 
the refusal of Congress, and that he himself was willing to confer 
with all well disposed persons about the means of restoring public 
tranquility, set about the most proper methods for reducing the 
city of New York, Here the provincial troops were posted, and, 
from a great number of batteries, kept continually annoying the 
British shipping. The East river, about twelve hundred yards in 
breadth, lay between them, which the British troops were ex- 
tremely desirous of passing. At last the ships, after an incessant 
cannonade of several days, silenced the batteries ; a body of troops 
was sent up the river to a bay, about three miles distant, where 
the fortifications were less strong than in other places. Here, 
having driven off the provincials by the Cannon of the fleet, they 
marched directly towards the city ; but'the provincials, finding 
that they should now be attacked on all sides, abandoned the city, 
and retreated to the north of the island, where their principal 
force was collected. In their passage thither they skirmished 
with the British, but carefully avoided a general engagement ; 
an!^ it was observed that they did not behave with that ardour and 
impetuous valour which hau hitherto marked their character. 

The British and American armies were now not above two 
miles from each other. The former lay encamped from shore to 
shore, for an extent of two nsiles, being the breadth of the island, 
which, though fifteen miles long, exceeds not two in any part of 
the breadth. The provincials, w ho lay directly opposite, had 
strengthened their camp with many fortifications; and at the 
same time, were masters of all the passes and defiles betwixt the 
two camps: thus were they enabled to maintain their station 
ao-ainst an army much more numerous than their own : they had 
afso strongly fortifitd apass called King's Bridge, on the northern 
extremity of the island, whence thej could secure a passage to the 
coniinent in case ot any niisf<M tunes. Here general Washington, 
in order to innure the 'provincials to actual service and, ai the 
same time to annoy the enemy as much as possible, employed 
his tn-ops in continual skirmi^hes: by which it was observed they 
reeovered their spirits, and behaved vMth their usual boldness. 

As the situation of the armies was now higldy inconvenient 
to the British -eiterals, it was resolved to make such movements 
asn>^'i\t ()blis;AM tu rai Washin^ti-n torelinauish his strong situa- 
tion.* A i-; — ■ '^'^w \ork was evacuated by the Amcri- 



AMERICA. fS 

cans, a dreadful fire broke out, said to be occasioned by the licen- 
tious conduct oi some of its new masters ; and had it not been for 
the active exertions of the sailors and soldiery, the whole town 
probably would have been consumed ; the wind being high, and 
the weather remarkably dry, about a thousand houses were de- 
stroyed. 

General Howe, having left lord Percy with a sufficient force to 
garrison New York, embarked his army in flat bottomed boats, 
by which they were conveyed through the dangerous passage 
called Ilfll Gate, and landed at Frog's Point, near the town of 
West Chester, lying on the continent towards Connecticut. Here, 
having received a supply of men and provisions, they moved on 
the tv*'enty-lirst of October, to New Rochelle, situated on the 
Sound which separates Long Island from the continent. 

After this, still receiving fresh reinforcements, they made such 
movements as threatened to distress the provincials very much, 
by cutting oft* their convoys of provisions from Connecticut, and 
thus force them to an engagement. This general Washington 
determined at all events to avoid. He therefore extended his 
forces into a long line opposite to the way in which the enemy 
marched, keeping the Bronx, a river of considerable magnitude, 
between the two armies, with the North river in his rear. Here 
the provincials continued for some time to skirmish with the roval 
army, until, at last, by some manuBu vers, the British general found 
means to attack them on the twenty-eighth of October, 1776, ad- 
vantageously, at a place called the White Plains, and drove them 
from some of their posts. 

The success on this occasion was not so complete as on the for- 
mer ; however, it obliged the provincials to change their ground, 
and retreat further up the country. General Howe pursued them 
for some time ; but at last, finding all his endeavours to bring on 
a general action, fruitless, he determined to give over the pursuit, 
and employ himself in reducing the forts which the provincials 
still retained in the neighbourhood of New York. 

Fort Washington was the only post the Americans then held 
on New York island, and was under the command of colonel Ma- 
gaw. The royal army made four attacks upon it. The first on 
the north side, was led on by general Knyphauzen: the second, 
on the east by general Matthews, supported by lord Cornwallis: 
the third was under the direction of lieutenant-colonel Sterling: 
and the fourth by lord Percy. The troops under Knyphauzen, 
when advancing to the fort, had to pass through a thick wood, 
which was occupied by llawling's regiment of ntiemen, and suf- 
fered very much from their well-directed fire, during this at- 
tack, a body of British light infantry advanced against a party of 
the Americans, who were annoying them from behind rocks and 
trees, and obliged them to dbperse. Lord Percy carried au ad- 

X 



74 HISTORY OF 

vance work on his side ; and lieutenant colonel Sterling forced hi» 
way up a steep asceiitj and took one hundred and seventy prison- 
ers. Tlieir outworks being carried, the Americans lelt their 
lines and crowded into the fort. Colonel Rahl, who led the riglit 
column of Knyphauzen''s attack, pushed forwards, and lodged his 
column wiihin a hundred yards of the fort, and was there soon 
joined by the left column. The garrison surrendered on terms of 
capitulation, by which the men w ere to be considered as prisoners 
of war, and the officers to keep their baggage and side arms. 
The number of prisoners amounted to two thousand seven hua- 
dred. The loss of the British was considerable. 

Shortly after the surrender of fort Washington, fort Lee, situ- 
ate on the opposite shore of the North liver, was evacuated by 
the Americans at the approach of lord Cornwallis; and at the 
expense of their artillery and stores. 

Fort Lee being evacuated by the Americans, the Jerseys lay 
wholly open to the incursions of the British troops, and was so 
entirely taken possession of by the royal army, that their winter 
quarters extended from New Brunswick to the river Delaware. 
Had any number of boats been at hand, it was thought Philadel- 
phia would have fallen into their hands. Ail these had been 
carefully removed by the Americans. Instead of this enterprise, 
Sir Henry Clinton undertook an expedition to Rhode-Island, and 
became master of it without losing a man. His expedition was 
attended with this further advantage, that the American fleet, un- 
der commodore Hopkins, was obliged to sail so far up Providence 
river, that it was entirely useless. The same ill success attended 
the Americans in other parts. After their expulsion from Cana- 
da, they had crossed lake Champlain, and taken up their quar- 
ters at Crown Point, as we have already mentioned. Here they 
remained for some time in safety, as the British had no vessels 
on the lake; and consequently general Eurgoyne could not pur- 
sue them. 

TV) remedy this deficiency, there was no other method, but (o 
construct vessels on the spot, or take to pieces some vessels al- 
ready constructed, and drag tliem up the river into the lake. This, 
however,* was eifected in th.e space of three months; and the 
British general, after incredible toil and difficulty, saw himself in 
possession of a great number of vessels: by which means, he was 
enabled to pursue his enemies, and invade them in his turn. The 
labour undergone at this time, by the sea and land forces, must in- 
deed have been prodigious; since they v. ere conveyed over 
land, and dragged up the rapids of St. Lav»'rence, no fewer than 
tliiity large long boats, four hundred batteaux, besides a vast num- 
ber of fitit- bottomed boais, and a gondola of thirty tons. The intent 
ot tlie c)cpec!ition vas to push forward, before winter, to Albany, 
whore the army would take up its \unter quarters ; and the next 



AMERICA. . ^ 

spring effect a junction with that under general Ha\vc; when it 
was not doubted, that the united force and skill of th^ two com- 
manders, would speedily put an end to the war. 

It was the beginning of October, before the expedition could be 
undertaken; it was then allowetl to be completely able to an- 
swer the p!irpose for which it was intended. 

The fleet consisted of one lari;e vessel of three masjs, carrying 
18 twelve pounders; two schooners, the one carrying 14, the 
"other 1^2 six pounders; a large llat-bottomed radeau, with 6 
twenty-four, and 6 twelve pounders; and a gondola with 8 nine 
pounders; besides tiiese, there were twenty vessels of a smaller 
size; also gun-boats, carrying each a piece of brass ordnance, 
xfrom nine, to twenty four pounders, or howitzers. Several long- 
boats were fitted out in the same manner, and a vast number of 
boats and tenders of various si/-es to be used as transports for the 
troops and baggage. It was manned by a number of select sea- 
men ; and the gun-boats were served by a detaehment from the 
corps of artillery. The ofiic-ers and soldiers appointed for this 
expedition, were also chosen out of the whole army. 

The American force was too inconsiderable to withstand this 
formidable armament; general Arnold, who commanded it, after 
engaging the British fleet for a whole day, took advantage of the 
darkness of the night to set sail without being perceived, and was 
next morning out of sight: but he was so quickly pursued by the 
British, that on the second day after, he was overtaken and forced 
to a second engagement. And notwithstanding his gallant beha- 
viour, he was obliged to run his ships ashore, and set diem on 
lire. A few only escaped to lake George ; and the garrison of 
Crown Point having destroyed or carried oti'every thing of value, 
retired to Ticonderoga, 

Thither general Carleton intended to have pursued them; but 
the ditHcu lues he had to encounter were so many, and so great, 
that it was thought proper to march back into Canada, and de- 
sist from any further opera'ions until the next spring. 

The Amei ican aifairs now seemed every where going to wreck ; 
even those who had been most sanguine in her caust;, began to 
despair. The time also for which the soldiers had enlisted, was 
now expired; and the bad success of the preceding campaign had 
been so very discouraging, that no person was willing to engage 
hin^self during the continuance of the war, of which the event ap- 
peared so doubtful. General Washington had the mortifying evi- 
dence of the daily decrease of his army ; so that from thirty thou- 
sand, of which it consisted when geneVal Howe landed on Stateu 
island, scarce a tenth part could be raustered. General Lee had 
collected a body of troops to assist the commander in chief, but 
having imprudently taken up his lodgings at a distance from the 
troops, information was given to colonel Harcourt, who happened 
at the time to be in the neighbourhood, and who took him prisoner. 



To HISTORY OF 

The loss of this general was much regretted, the more especi- 
ally as he was of superior quality to any prisoner in possession 
of the colonists, and could not therefore 'be exchanged. Six field 
officers were offered in exchange for him, and refused; and con- 
gress was highly irritated at its being reported that he was to he 
treated as a deserter, having been a half-pay officer in the Bri- 
tish service at the commencement of the war. They therefore is- 
sued a proclamation, threatening to retaliate on the prisoners in 
their possession, whatever punisiiment should be infiicled on any 
of those taken by the Britisii ; and especially that their conduct 
should be regulated by their treatment of general Lee. 

Congress now proceeded with the utmost diligence to recruit 
their arm}'; and bound their soldiers to serve for the term of 
three years, or during the continuance of the war. The army for 
the ensuing campaign, was to consist of eighty eight battalions, of 
which each province was to contribute its quota ;~and twenty dol- 
lars was ottered as a bounty to each soldier, besides an allotment 
of lands at the end of the war. In this agreement it was stipulat- 
ed, that each soldier should have one hundred acres, an ensign 
one hundred and fifty, a lieutenant two hundred, a captain three 
hundred, a major four hundred, a lieutenant-colonel four hun- 
dred and fifty, and a colonel five hundred. Those who only en- 
listed for three years were not entitled to any lands. Those who 
were wounded in the service, both officers and soldiers, were to 
enjoy half-pay during life. To meet tliis expense, congress bor- 
rowed five millions of dollars at five per cent, for which the Unit- 
ed States was security. 

At the same time a declaration was published tending to ani- 
mate the people to vigorous exertions, in which they set forth the 
necessity there was of taking proper methods for securing suc- 
cess. They endeavoured to palliate as much as possible, the 
misfortunes which had already happened ; and represented the 
true cause of the present distress to be the short term of enlist- 
ment. 

This declaration, and the imminent danger of Philadelphia, 
roused the Americans to exert themselves to the utmost, to ob- 
tain reinforcements for general Washington's army. An exploit 
of that general, however, did more to animate the Americans in 
the cause than all the declarations of congress. As the royal ar- 
my extended in different cantonments for a great way, general 
Washington saw the necessity of making an attempt on some of 
those divisions which lay nearest to Philadelphia. These happen- 
ed to be the Hessians, who lay in three divisions, the last only 
twenty miles from that city. On the twenty-fifth of December, 
having collected as considerable a force as he could, he set out 
with an intent to surprise that body of the enemy which Jay at 
Trenton. 



AMERICA. 77 

His army was divided into three bodies; one of which he or- 
dered to cross the Delaware at Trenton ferry, a little below the 
town; the second at a distance below, at a place called Borden- 
town, where the second division of Hessians was placed; while 
he himself with the third, directed his course to a ferry some 
miles above Trenton, which he intended to have passed at mid- 
night, and make the attack at break of day ; but various impedi- 
ments so far obstructed his plans, that it was eight in the morn- 
m% before he reached the place of his destination. The enemy, 
however, did not perceive his approach till they were suddenly 
attacked. Colonel Rahl, their commander, did all that could be 
expected from a brave and experienced officer; biiteveiy thing 
was in such confusion, that no efforts of valour or skill could now 
retrieve matters. The colonel himself was mortally wounded, 
his troops were entirely broken, their artillery seized, and about 
■one thousand taken prisoners. After (his gallant exploit, general 
Washington returned into Pennsylvania. 

This action, though to appearance of no very decisive nature, 
was what turned the forttine of war in favour of America. It 
lessened the apprehensions uhich the Americans had of the Hes- 
eiaiis, at the same time that it equally abated the confidence 
which the British had till now put in them; it also raised the 
desponding hopes of the Americans, and s^ave a new spring to all 
their operations. Reinforcements now came in from all quarters, 
and general Washington soon found himself in a condition once 
more to repass the Delaware, and take up his quarters in Trenton, 
where he was emboldened to take his station, notwithstanding that 
accounts were received of the enemy's rapid advance towards him 
under lordCornwallis, who shortly after made his appearance in 
full force; and on the evening of his arrival, the little town of 
Trenton contained the two hostile armies, separated only by a 
small creek, which was fordable in many places. 

This was indeed the crisis of the American revolution; and 
had his lordship made an immediate attack, in pursuance of 
what is reported to have been the advice of Sir William Erskin, 
general Washington's defeat would have been inevitable; but a 
night's del^ turned the fortune of the war, and projiuced an en- 
terprise, the mganitude and glory of which, can only be equalled 
by its success. 

A council of war having been called, general Washington stated 
the calaraitous situation to which his army was reduced, and after 
hearing the various opinions of liis officers, finally proposed acir- 
iiuitous march to Princeton, as xUa means of avoiding at once, the 
imputation of a retreat and the danger of a battle, with forces so 
inferior and in a situ'ition so ineligible. The idea was unanimous'- 
\y approved, and as soon as it was dark, the necessary measures 
^\i£re effected for accomplishing it. A line of fires were kindled? 

X-2 



rs HISTORY OF 

which served te give light to the Americans, while it obscured* 
them from the observation of the enemy ; the weather, which had 
been for some time warm and foggy, suddenly changed to a hard 
frost; and rendered the road, which had been deep and heavy, 
smooth and firm as a pavement. The Americans considered this 
as a providential interposition in their favour. 

At break of day general \Vashing?on was discovered by a party 
of British troops, consisting of three regiments, under the com- 
mand of colonel Mawhood, near Princeton, on their march to 
Trenton. With these the centre of the Americans engaged, and 
after killing sixty, wounded many, and taking three hundred 
prisoners, obliged the rest to make a precipitate retreat; some 
towards Trenton, and others to Brunswick. The loss of t!ie Ame- 
ricans, as to nutuher, was inconsiderable, but the fall of general 
Mercer was sensibly felt. 

The Bi i(ish, astonished and discouraged at the success and spi- 
rit of these repeated enterprises, abandoned both Trenton and 
Princeton, and retreated to Brunswick ; while the Americans in 
triumph retired to Morristown. General Washington, however^ 
omitted no opportunity in recovering what had been lost; and by 
dividing his army into small parties, which could be called into 
general action at a few hours notice, he in a manner almost entire- 
ly covered the country with it, and took possession of the most 
Important places. 

Thus ended the campaign of 1776. with no other real advantage 
'^o the British, than the possession of New York, and a few for- 
tresses in the neighbourhood, where the troops were constrained 
to act with as much circunsspection us if they had been besieged 
Sy a victorious army, instead of bein^ themselves the conquerors, 
' The British, in New York, began in 1777 to carry on a kind of 
predatory war, by sending out parties to destroy magazines, make 
•recursions, and take or destroy such forts as lay on the banks of 
ivers accessible to their shipping; in this the}^ were generally 
.successful; the provincial maj?:azines at Peek's kill, a place about 
fifty miles distant from New A'ork, were destroyed; the town of 
.Uanbury in Connecticut was buint, and that of llidgefield in the 
same province was taken possession of. The British,^owever, as 
',8V w-ere returning from this last expedition, were harrassed by 
generals Arnold, Wooster, and vSullivan; but they made good 
li.eir retreat, in spite of alt opposition, wiih the loss of only se- 
' ontf killed and wounded. On the American side the loss was 
/liuch greater: general Wooster was killed, and Arnold was in the 
raost fmmincnt danger. On the other hand, the Americans de- 
stroyed the stores at Sagg harbour, in the east end of Long Island,. 
and made prisoners of ail \mio defended the place. 

As this method of making war answered no essential purpose, 
. ., pc r(>«nivf,>d to make an attempt on Philadelphia. It was fisft 



I 



AMERICA. 79 

proposed to pass through the Jerseys to that city ; but the impo- 
litic conduct of the British ia countenancing the devastation of 
their plundering parties, had created universal abhorrence, and 
the large reinforcements which had joined general Washington, 
who had posted himself so strongly, that it was concluded to be 
impracticable. Many stratagems were used to draw him from 
his secure situation, but without success ; it was therefore deter- 
mined to make the attempt by sea. 

While the preparations were going forward for this enterprise, 
the Americans found means to capture general Present and one 
of his aids, who were seized in. their quarters much in the same 
manner as 3;enerai Lee had been. 

The ujonth of July was far advanced before the preparations for 
the expedition against Philadelphia were completed, and it was 
the twenty-third before the fleet was able to sail from Sandy 
Hook. The force employed in this expedition consisted of thirty- 
six battalions of British and Hessians, a regiment of light-horse, 
and a body of loyalists raised at New York. The remainder of 
the forces, consisting of seventeen battalions and another body 
of light horse, were stationed at New Yoik, under Sir Henry 
Clinton ; and seven battalions were stationed at llhoi4e Island. 

After sailing about a week, they arrived at the mouth of the 
Delauare; but there having received certain intelligence that 
the navigation of the river was so obstructed that it would be im- 
possible to force a passage, it was resolved to proceed further 
southward to Chesapeake bay, from whence the distance of Phil- 
adelphia v/as not very great, and where tlie provincial army 
would find less advantage from the nature of the country, than 
in the Jersey-. 

The navigation from the Delaware to the Chesapeake took up 
the best part of the month of August, and that up the bay was 
difficult and tedious. At last, having sailed up the river Elk as 
far as possible, the troops v/ere landed without opposition^ and 
moved forwards tov;ards Philadelphia. 

On the^newsof their arrival in the Chesapeake, general Wash» 
ington left the Jeriey?, and fled to the relief of the city ; and, ia 
the beginning of September, met the royal army at Brandywine 
creek, about mid-way between ihe head of Elk and Philadelphia, 
General \V\^shington practised his former method of skirmishing 
with and harrassing the army on its march. But as this was found 
insui^cient to stop its course, he retired to that side of the creek 
next to Philadelpihia, with an intent to dispute the passage. A 
general engagement commenced on the eleventh of September, 
in which the Americans were defeated; and, perhaps, the night 
saved them from total destruction. The Provincials lost, in 
this engagement, about one thousand in killed and wounded^ be- 
sides four hundred taken prisoners. 



feO HISTORY OF 

The loss of this battle proved the loss of Philadelphia. Gene- 
ral \Vashinj:^ton retired towards Lancaster, an inland town, about 
sixty miles from Philadelphia. But though he could not prevent 
the loss of Philadelphia, he still adhered to his original plan of 
distressing the roval party, by laying ambushes and cutting off 
detached parties ; but in this he was not so successful as formerly ; 
and one of his own detachments, which lay in ambush in tlie 
w oods were themselves surprised, and entirely defeated, with the 
loss of three hundred skilled and wounded ; besides seventy or 
eighty taken prisoners, and all their arms and baggage. 

General Howe finding that the Amerieans would not venture 
another battle, even for the sake of their capital, took peaceable 
possession of it on the twenty-sixth of September. His first care 
Mas to cut off by strong batteries, the communication between the 
upper and lower parts of the river ; which was executed, not- 
withstanding the opposition of some American arnjed vessels : one 
of which carrying thirty six guns was taken. His next task was 
to open a communieation with the sea; and this was a work of no 
small difficulty. A vast number of bitteries and forts had been 
erected, and machines formed like chevaii.r defrize (from whence 
they took their name) had been sunk in the river to pi event its 
navigation. 

As the fleet had been sent round to the Delaware in order to co- 
operate with the army, this work, however difficult, was effected 5 
nor did the provincials give mueh opposition, well knowing that 
all places of the kind were now untenable. General VV^ashington, 
however, took advantage of the royal army being divided, to at- 
tack the camp of the principal division of it, that lay at German- 
town in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia. In this he met with 
very little success :'for though he reached the place of destination 
by three o'clock in the mcrning, the patroles had time to call the 
troops to arms. The Americans notwitiistanding, made a very 
resolute attack; but were received with so much braverj', that 
they were compelled to abandon the attempt, and retreat in great 
disorder ; with the advantage of carrying off their cannon, though 
pursued a considerable way, after having upwards of two hundred 
killed, five hundred wounded, and four hundred made prisoners ; 
among whom were fifly-four officers. On the side of the British 
the loss amounted to four hundred and thirty wounded and pri- 
soners; and seventy killed .; among the last, were general Ag- 
new and colonel Bird, with some other excellent officers. 

There still remained tv»o strong forts to be reduced on the Dei- 
aware. These were Mud Island and Red Back. The various 
obstructions which the Americans had thrown in the way, ren- 
dered it necessary to bring up the Augusta, a ship of the line, and 
the Merlia frigate, to the attack of Mud Island; but during the 
^aat of ih^actiop^ bo-th were grounded. The Aiaerican;s ohssry* 



AMERICA. 81 

ing this, sent down four fire ships, and directed the whole fire 
from their gallies.against them ; but the couraa;e and skill of the 
British seamen, prevented the farmer from taking effect. But 
during the engagement both the Augusta and Merlin took fire, 
and were burnt; and the other ships were obliged to withdraw. 

The Americans encouraged by this, proceeded to throw new 
obstructions in the way, but the British general having found 
means to convey a number of cannon, and to erect batteries with- 
in gun shot of the fort by land, and having brought up three ships 
of the line mounted with heavy cannon, and the Vigilant, a large 
ship cut down so as to draw but iiitle water, mounted with 24 
pounders, made her way to a position from which she might enfi- 
lade the works on Mud inland. This gave the British such an ad- 
vantage, that the post was no longer tenable. 

Colonel Smith, who had with great gallantry defended the fort 
from the latter end of September, to the eleventh of November, 
being wounded, was removed to the main ; within five days after 
his removal, major Thayer, nobly ottered to take charge of this 
dangerous post; but was obliged to evacuate it within twenty-five 
days. But this event did not take place until the works were en- 
tirely beat down, every piece of cannon dismounted, and one of 
the British ships so near, that she threw hand^grenadoes into the 
fort and killed the men who were uncovered on the platform. The 
troops who had so bravely defended fort Mifflin, (which was 
the name given to it) made a safe retreat to Red Bank. Within 
three days after Mud Island was evacuated, the garrison was also 
withdrawn from Red Bank on the approach of lord Corn wal lis. 
A great number of the American shipping, now entirely without 
protection, sailed up the river in the night time. Seventeen, 
however, remained, whose retreat was intercepted, by a frigate 
and some armed vessels ; on which the Americans ran them on 
shore and burnt them. 

Thus the campaign of 1777, in Pennsylvania, concluded suc- 
cessfully on the part of the British. In the North, however, 
matters wore a different aspect. The expedition in that quarter 
had been projected by the British ministry, as the most etfectu- 
al method that could be taken to subjugate the colonies at once. 
The New England provinces were still considered by the British, 
as the most active in the continuation of the war; and it was 
thouglU, that any imj)ression made upon them, would contribute 
in an effectual manner, to the reduction of the re^t. 

To carry this into execution, an army of four thousand chosen 
British troops, and three thousand Germans, were put under the 
command of general Burgoyne ; and general Carleton was di- 
rected to use his interest with the Indians, to persuade them to 
join in this expedition ; and the province of Quebec was to furnish 
large parties to join the same. The officers who commanded 



82 RISTORY OF 

under general Burgojne, weregeneral Phillips, of the artillery, 
generals Frazer, Povvel, and Hamilton, with the German officers, 
Reidesel and Speecht. 

These soldiers were under excellent discipline, and had been 
kept in their winter quarters with great care, that they mi2;ht be 
prepared for the expedition, on which tliey were going. To en- 
sure the success of the niain expedition, another was formed on 
the Mohawk river, under colonel St. Leger, who was to be assist- 
ed by Sir William Johnson, who had so greatly signalized him- 
self, in the war of 1755. On the 21st of June, 1777. the British army 
encar-!ped on the western side of lake Champlaio; where being 
joined by a considerable body of Indians,, getieral Burgoynemade 
a speech, in which he exhorted these new allies to lay aside their 
ferocious and barbarous manner of making war ; to kill only such 
as opposed them inarms; and (o spare prisoners, and such 
Avomen and children, as should fall into their hands. He after- 
wards issued a proilansation, in which the force of Britain, and 
that which he commanded, was displayed in strong and nervous 
language, calculated to intimidate tlie provincials, but it had a 
contrary effett. 

The campaign opened with the siege of Ticonderoga. This 
place was very strong, ande;airisonedby six thousand men under 
general St. Clair ; nevertheless, the w orks were so extensive, 
that even this number was not thought sufficient to defend them 
properly. They had therefore omitted to fortify a ruggid emi- 
nence, called Sugar-h/ll, which overlooked and effectually com- 
nianded the whole works. The Americans vainly imagined, that 
it was too difficult an ascent, for the enemy to take possession 
of it ; on the approach of the first divif-ion of the army, the pro- 
vincials abandoned and set tire* to their outworks, and so expe- 
ditious were the British troops, that on the fifth of July, every 
post was secured, which was judged necessary for investing it 
completely. 

A road was soon after made to the very summit of that emi- 
iience which the Americans supposed could not be ascended; and 
they were now so much disheartened, that thsy instantly aban- 
doned the fort and made a precipitate retreat to Skenesborough, 
a place to the south of lake George ; while their baggage and 
military stores, which they could not carry oft*, were sent to the 
same place by water. But the British generals were not disposed 
to let them get oft' so easily : but pursued and overtook tliem. 
Their armed vessels consisted only of five galleys : two of which 
^vere taken and three blown up; on which" they set fire to their 
boats and fortifications, at Skenesborough. The provincials lost 
two hundred boats, and one hundred and thirty pieces of cannon, 
^vitli all their provisions and baggage. 



AMERICA. 83 

Their land forces under colonel Francis, made a brave defence 
against general Kraser : and as they were superior in number, 
they almost overpowered him, when e;eneral Reidesel, with a 
large body of Germans, came to his assistance. The Americans 
were now overpowered in their turn ; their commander killed, 
they fled in every direction. In this action two hundred of the 
provincials were killed, as many taken prisoners, and above 
six hundred wounded ; many of whom perished in the woods for 
want of assistance. 

Daring the engagement, general St. Clair was at Castleton, 
about six miles from the place ; but instead of going forward to 
fort Ann, the next place of streni^th, he repaired to the woods 
which lie between that fortress and New England. General 
Burgoyne, therefore, detached colonel Hill, with the ninth regi- 
ment, to intercept their retreat towards fort Ann : on his way he 
met with a body of tbe enemy, said to be six times as numerous 
as his own ; but after an engagement of three hours, they were 
obliged to retire with great loss. 

After so many disasters, and finding themselves unable to 
make any stand at fort Ann, they set fire to it, and retired to fort 
Edward. In all these engagements, the loss of the killed and 
v.ounded, in the royal army, did not exceed two hundred men. 
General Burgoyne now suspended his operations for some time ; 
and waited at Skenesborough for the arrival of his tents, pro- 
visions, &c. But employed ihis interval in making roads through 
the country about fort Ann, and in clearing a passage for his 
troops to pt oceed agniust Ihe enemy. This was attended with 
incredible toil. But the resolution and patience of the army 
surmounted all obstacles. 

Thus, after having undergone the greatest difficulties, and 
having made every exertion that man could make, he arrived 
with his army before fort Edward about the latter end of Jidy. 
Here general Schuyler had been for some time endeavouring to 
recruit the scattered American forces, and had been joined by- 
general St. Clair, with the remains of his army ; the garrison of 
fort George had also taken shelter there. But on the approach 
of the royal army they retired from fort Edward, and formed 
their head quarters at Saratoga. 

Notwithstanding these discouraging circumstances, the Amer- 
icans shewed no disposition to submit; but prepared in ihe best 
manner they could to make the most effectual resistance. For 
this purpose the militia was every where raised and drafted, to 
join the army at Saratoga; and such numbers of volunteers were 
obtained, that they soon began to recover from the alanii into. 
which their late losses had thrown them. 

The forces now collected were put under the command of 
general Arnold, who repaired to Saratoga with a considerable 



84 HISTORY OF ij 

train of artillery ; but receiving intellie:ence that colonel St. Le^er 
was proceeding with great rapidity in his expedition on the Mo- 
hawk river, he removed to Stillwater, a place about half way be- 
tween Saratogaand the junction of the Mohawk with Hudson's 
river. 

The colonel, in the meantime, had advanced as far as fort 
Staawix; the siege of which he pressed with great vigour; and 
understanding that a supply of provisions, guarded by eight or 
nine hundred men, was on its way to the fort, he despatched sir 
John Johnson with a strong detachment to intercept it. This he 
performed so effectually, that four hundred of the escort were 
slain and two hundred taken ; the residue escaping with great 
difficulty. The garrison, it was expected, would be intimidated 
by this disaster, and by the threats and representations of St. 
Leger : on the contrary, they made several successful sallies un- L 
der colonel Willet, the second officer in command ; who, with T 
another gentleman, ventured out of the fort, and eluding the 
vigilance of the enemy, passed through them, in order to hasten 
the march of general Arnold to their relief 

The affairs of colonel St. Le2;er, notwiihstanding his recent suc- 
cess, appeared in no very favourable situation ; and they were 
totally ruined by tlie desertion of the Indians ; who had been 
alarmed by the report of general Arnold's advancing with two 
thousand men, to the relief of the fort ; and while the colonel was 
endeavouring to encourage them, another report was spread that 
general Burgoyne had been defeated with great slaughter, and 
was flying before the provincials. On this he was obliged to comply 
with their fears and ordered a retreat ; which was not effected 
without the loss of the tents, some artillery, and military stores. 

Difficulties and disappointments still continued to press upon . j 
general Burgoyne : the roads he had made with so much labour f\ 
and pains, were destroyed by the enemy, and wetness of the sea- " 
son ; so that provisions from fort George could not be brought to 
his camp, without prodigious toil. Having been informed of the 
siege of fort Stanwix, by colonel St. Leger; he determined to 
move forward, that he might enclose the enemy betwixt his own 
army and thai of St. Leger; and in hopes of securing the com- 
mand of all the country between fort Stanwix and Albany. At 
any rate a junction with St. Leger, was likely to produce the 
most happy consequences. The only difficulty was, the want of 
provisions ; and this it was proposed to remedy, by seizing the 
magazines of the provincials. 

For this purpose, colonel Baum, a German officer of great bra- 
very, was chosen with a body of five hundred troops. The mag- 
azines lay at Bennington, about twenty miles east\\ard of Hud- 
son's river : in order to support colonel Baum's party, the whole 
armv marched up the bank of the river, and encamped almost op- 



AMERICA. S' 

posite to Saratoga, with the river between it and that place. An 
advanced party w.as posted at Batten-kili, between the camp and 
Bennington, in order to support colonel Baum. In their way the 
royal detachment seized a large supply of cattle and provisions, 
which v/ere immediately sentto the camp; but the badness of the 
roads retarded their march so much, that intelligence of their de- 
sign was sent to Bennington. Colonel Baum understanding that 
the American force at that place, was much superior to his own^ 
acquainted the general ; who immediately sent colonel Breyman, 
with a party to his assistance : but the same causes which retard- 
ed the march of colonel Baum, also impeded the march of colonel 
Breyman, who could not arrive in time. General Starke, in the 
meantime, who commanded at Bennington, determined to attack 
the two parties separately ; and advanced against colonel Baum, 
whom he surrounded on all sides, and attacked with the utmost 
violence. The German troops defended themselves with great 
valour, but were to a man either killed or taken. Colonel Brey- 
man, after a desperate enp;agement, had the good fortune to effect 
a retreat through the darkness of the night : which, otherwise, he 
could not have done, as his men had expended all their ammu- 
nition. 

Disappointed in his attempt on Bennington, general Bur^oyne 
applied himself with indefatigable diligence, to procure provisions 
from Fort George; and having at length procured a sufficient 
quantity to last for a month, he threw a bridge of boats over the 
river Hudson, which he crossed about the middle of September, 
encamping on the hills and plains of Saratoga. 

As soon as he approached the provincial army, which was en- 
camped at Still Water, under general Gates, he determined to 
make an attack; he placed himself at the head of the centre, 
having general Fraser and Colonel Breyman on his right, and 
generals Reidesel and Phillips, with the artillery on the left. In 
this position, the 19th of September, he advanced towards the ene- 
my. But the Americans confident in their number, did not now 
wait to be engaged : but attacked the central division with great 
impetuosity, and it v/as not till general Phillips with the artillery 
came up, at eleven o'olock at night, that they could be induced 
to retire to their camp. In this action the British lost five hun- 
dred in killed and wounded, and the Americans three hundred 
and nineteen. 

The resolution manifested by the Americans upon this occasion, 
surprised and alarmed the British forces. But this did not pre- 
vent them from advancing towards the enemy, and postino- them- 
selves within cannon shot of their lines the next day. But tlieir 
Indian allies now began to desert in great numbers": and at the 
same time the general was exceedingly mortified by having no 

Y ^ " 



I 



86 HISTORY 5jF 

intelligence from Sir Henry Clinton, who was to have assisted J 
him as had been stipulated. v ' 

He now received a letter from him by which -he was informed 
that Sir Henry intended to make a diversion on the North 
River in his favour. This aftbrdcd but lillle comfort ; and he re- 
turned an answer by several trusty persons who took different 
routes, stating his distressed situation ; at the same time inform- 
ing him that his provisions and other necessaries would only en-, 
able him to hold out till the twelfth of October. 

The Americans, in the meantime, that they might effectually 
cut oft' the retreat of the British, undertook an expedition to Ti- 
conderoga ; but failed in the attempt, notwithstanding they sur- 
prised all the out posts, and took a great number of boats, and 
some armed vessels, and a few prisoners. 

The army under general Burgoyne, however, continued to la- 
bour under various distresses; his provisions fell short, so that in 
the beginning of October he diminished the soldiers' allowance. 
On the seventh of that month he dtermined to move towards the 
enemy : for tiiis purpose he sent a body of one thousand five 
hundred men to reconnoitre their left wing ; intending if possible, 
to break through it, and effect a retreat. The detachment had 
liot proceeded far^ when a dreadful attack was made by the Ame- 
ricans on the left wing of the British aimy, which was with great 
difficulty preserved It om being entirely broken, by a reinforce- 
ment brought up by general Fraser, who was killed in the attack. 

After the troops had with the most desperate efforts regained 
their cam.p, it was fujiously assaulted by general Arnold; who, 
TiOtwithstanding all opposition, would have forced the entrench- 
ments, had he not received a dangerous wound, which obliged him 
to retire. Thus the attack failed, but on the right, the German 
reserve was forced, colonel Breyman killed, and his country- 
men defeated with great slaughter, and with the loss of their 
artillery and baggage. t 

This was b} far the greatest loss the British sustained since the 
battle of Bunker's hill : the list of the killed and wounded amount- 
ed to near twelve hundred, exclusive of the Germans: but the 
greatest misfortune was, that the Americans had now an opening 
on the right, and rear of the British forces, so that the army was 
threatened with entire destruction. This obliged general Bur- 
goyne once more to shift his position, that the eneniy might also 
be obliged to alter theirs. This was accomplished on the night of 
the seventh without any loss, and all the next day he continued to 
offer the enemj battle. The enemy now advanced on the right 
that they might enclose him enlitely, which obliged general Bur- 
goyne to direct a retreat to Saratoga. V>\xt the Americans had 
stationed a strong force at the ford on Hudson's river, so that the 
only posbibiliry of retreat was by securing a passage to Lake 



AMERICA, 87 

George ', and to eflect this, workmen were despatched with a- 
strong guard, to repair the roads arid bridges that led to Fort 
Edward. As soon as they were gone, the enemy seemed to pre- 
pare for an attack; which rendered it necessary to recall the 
guard, and the v/orkmen being left exposed, could not proceed. 

The boats whicii conveyed provisions down the Hudson river, 
were exposed to the continual fire of the American marksmen, 
who captured many ; so that it became necessary to convey them 
over land. General Burgoyne finding it impossible to stay here, 
with any safety to his army, resolved to attempt a march to Fort 
Edward in the night, and force the passaj^es at the fords either 
above or below. That he might eifect ihjs the more easily, it was 
resolved that the soldiers should carry their provisions on their 
backs, and leave behind them their baggage and every other in- 
cumbrance. But intelligence being received that the enemy had 
raised strong entrenchments opposite the fords, well provided with 
cannon, and that they had also taken possession of the rising 
ground between Fort George and Fort Edward, it was judged im- 
possible to succeed in the attempt. 

The American army was still increasing in numbers : and re- 
inforcements flocked in from all quarters, elated with the certain 
prospect of capturing the whole British army. Small parties ex- 
tended all along the opposite bank of Hudson's river, and some 
had passed it. that they might the more exactly observe every 
movement of the enemy. The forces under general Gates were 
computed at sixteen thousand men, while the army under gene- 
ral Burgoyne amounted to six thousand. 

Every part of the British camp was reached by the rifle and 
grape shot of the Americans, in this state of extreme distress 
and imminent danger, the army continued with the greatest con- 
stancy and perseverance, till the evening of the thirteenth of 
October, when an inventory of provisions being taken, it was 
found that no more remained than was suiHi'ient to last three days ; 
a c<»uncil of Vv'ar being called, it was unanimously determined 
that there was no other alternative but to treat with the enemy. 
In consequence of this, a negociation was opened the next day, 
which terminated in a capitulation of the whole British army ; the 
principal article of which was, "That the troops were to have a 
free passage to Britain, on condition of not serving against Ame- 
rica during the war." On this occasion General Gates generously 
ordered his army to keep within their camp, while the British 
soldiers went to a place appointed to lay down their arms, that 
the latter might not have the additional mortification of being 
made sj)ectacles on so melancholy an event. 
, The number of those who surrendered at Saratoga, amounted 
to live thousand seven hundred and fifty. Accordingto the Ame- 
rican accounts, the list of sick and wounded left in the camp when 



S8 HISTORY OF 

the army retreated to Saratoga, amounted to five hundred and 
twenty-eight, and the number of those by other accounts, since 
the taking of Ticonderoga, to near three thousand. Thirty-tlve 
brass field-pieces, seven thousand stand of arms, clothing for an 
equal number of soldiers, with tents, military chests, &c. con- 
stituted the booty on this occasion. 

Sir Henry Clinton in the meantime, instead of taking effectual 
measures for the immediate relief of general Burgoyne, of whose 
situation he had been informed, amused himself with destroying 
the two forts called Montgomery and Clinton, with fort Consti- 
tution, and another place called Continental Village, where there 
were barracks for two thousand men ; he also carried away se- 
venty large cannon, a number of smaller ones, and a quantity of 
t^tores and ammunition. Another attack was made by Sir James 
Wallace with some frigates, and a body of land forces, under 
general Vaughan, upon Esopus, a small flourishing town on the 
iiver. But these successes only tended to irritate the Americans^ 
and injure the royal cause. 

On the sixteenth of March, 1778, lord North informed the 
house of commons, that a paper had been laid before the king by 
the French ambassador, intimating the conclusion of an alliance 
between the court of France, and the United States of America. 
It was on the sixth of February, 1778, that the articles were for- 
mally signed, to the great satisfaction of France ; by which it was 
hoped that the pride of her formidable rival would be humbled, 
and her power lessened. For this purpose and her own agran- 
dizement, did France enter into an alliance with the revolted 
subjects of Great Britain 5 but not till after the capture of Bur-. 
gojne's army, when the Americans had made it manifest, that 
they were able to defend themselves, without the interference of 
any foreign power. How far that interference has been beneficial 
to France, the dreadful features of her own revolution must de- 
cide ; and to which the American revolution, undoubtedly gave 
birth. The articles were in substance, as follow. 

1. If Great Britain should, in consequence of this treaty, pro- 
ceed to hostilities against France, the two nations should mutu- 
ally assist one another. 

i2. The main end of the treaty was, in an effectual manner to 
maintain the independency of America. 

3. Should those places in North America, still subject to Great 
Britain, be reduced by the colonies, they should be confederated 
with them, or subjected to their jurisdiction. 

4. Should any of the West India islands, be reduced by France 
they should be deemed its property. 

5. No formal treaty with Great Britain should be concluded, 
either by France or America, without the consent of each other 5 
and it was mutually engaged^ that they should uot lay down tli.cir 



I 



AMEIUCA. 89 

arn-.s, liil the independency of the States had been foni^.ally ac- 
knowledged. * . 

6. The contracting parties mutually a.^reed to invite those pow- 
ers who liad received injuries from Great Britain, to join the com- 
mon cause. 

7. The United States guaranteed to France all the possessions 
in the West Indies, which she should conquer; and France gua- 
ranteed the absolute Independence of the United States, and their 
supreme authority over every country they possessed, or might 
acquire durins; the Vv'ar. 

The house of commons looked upon this treaty asa declaratiom 
of war; and the members were unanimous in an address to his 
iHiijesty, promising to stand by him to the utmost, in the present 
emergency ; but it \\as warmly contended by the membeis of the 
opposition, that the present ministry should be removed, on ac- 
count of their numerous blunders and miscarriages in every in- 
stance. Many were of opinion, that the only way to extricate the 
nation from its trouble, was to acknowledge at once, the indepen- 
dency of America, that so tiiey mia:ht do with a good grace, what 
they would inevitably have to do at last. Instigated with zeal for 
the national honour, the ministerial party was determined to re- 
sent the arrogance of Franfte, and prosecute the ^^ar in America, 
with increased vigour, should the terms about to be oiTered them 
be rejected. 

The agents of the Americans, in the meantime, were assidu- 
ously employed at the court of Spain, Vienna, Prussia, and Tus- 
cany, in order if possible, to conclude alliances wit!) them ; or, 
at least, to procure an acknowledgement of their independency. 
As it had been reported, that Great Britain had applied for as-> 
sistance to Russia, the American commissioners were enjoined to 
use their utmost endeavours with the German princes, to prevent 
yuch auxiliaries from marching through their territories ; and 
f'.lso to prevail With them to recall the German troops already 
sent to America. 

To the Spanish court they proposed, that in case they should 
think proper to espouse their cause, the American States should 
assist in reducing Pensacola under the dominion of vSpain; pro- 
vided the citizens of the United States were allov/ed the free na- 
vigation of the river Mississippi, and the use of the harbour of Pen- 
sacola : and they further oiiered, that if ar^reenble to Spain, they 
would declare war against Portugal, should that pov/er expel the 
American ships from their ports. 

The troops untler general Burgoyne in the meantime, were pre- 
paring to embark, agreeably to the convention of Saratoga, but 
Cona:ress having received inn^^mation that articles of ammunition 
and accoutrements, had not been surrendered as stipulated ; and 
^Hedging also, some other cause, as that they apprehended siuis- 

Y-2 



1>0 HISTORY Ot 

ter clesj|*ns were haibourcd by Great Britain, to convey these 
troops to join the army at Philadelphia, or New York, positively 
refused to let them embark uithout amexplicit ralificatioii of the 
convention, properly notilied by the British court. 

The senst5n for action approacliing. Congress was indefatigable 
in making preparations for a new campai«;n ; which, it was con- 
fidently affirmed, would be the last. General Washington, at 
the same Mme, to remove ail necessary incumbrances from the 
army, lightened t'le bagga^ze as much as possible, by substituting 
sacks and portmanteaus, in place of chests and boxes ; and using 
pack horses instead of vva'|pns. Tlie British army on the other 
hand expecting to be reinforced by twenty thousand men, thought 
of nothing but concluding the war according to their wishes, be- 
fore tlie end of another campaign. ' ;^ - 

Lord North's concili.itory bill, therefore, was received by them, 
"with the utmost concern and indigna'ion ; they considered it as a 
national disgrace ; and some even tore the cockades from their 
hats and trampled them under their feet. By the colonists it was 
received with indiiiA^rence. The British comndsioners endea- 
voured to make it as public as possible; and congress, as usual, 
ordered it to be pritjted in all the newspapers. Governor Tryon 
inclosed several copiv'^s of the bill in a letter to general Washing- 
ton, intreatino hia-, (hat he would allow them to be circulated ; to 
which the general reluined for answer, a newspaper, in which 
the bill was printed, with the resolutions of congress upon it, 
whicf «^' ere, thd't whosoever presumed to make a separate agree- 
ment with Great Britain, should be deemed a public enemy ; that 
the United States could not, with any propriety, keep correspon- 
dence with the commisj'ioners, until their independence Mas ac- 
knowledged, and the British fleets and armies removed from 
America. 

The colonies were also warned not to, softer themselves to be 
deceived into securily by any offers that might be made ; but ta 
use their u finest endeavours to send their quotas into the field. 
Some indivicfuals, who conversed v.'ith the commissioners on the 
subject of the conciliatory hill, intimated to them that the day of 
reconciliation was past : ih^t the haughtiness of Britain had ex- 
tinii,ui^:h;'d all filial regard in the breast of the Americans. 

Silaa Deane about this time arrived from Prance with two co- 
pies of t!ie treaty of con.inerce and alliance, to be signed by con- 
gress. Advices of the most llattering nature were received from 
vu'ious parts, representing the friendly dispositions of the Euro- 
pean powers; all of wlHun, it was said, wished to see the inde- 
pendence of America settled upon the most permanent basis. 

Considering, therefore, the situation of the colonies at this time, 
it was no wonder tb.at the comndssioncrs did not succeed. Their 
proposals v.ere utterly rejected, and themselves threatened to be 



America. 91 

treatcil as spies. But before any answer could be obtained from 
Congress, iSir Henry Clinton had takt^n the resolution of evacu- 
ating Philadelphia. Accordine;Iy, on the eishteenth of June, after 
having made the necessary pre^jarations, the army marched out 
of the city, and crossed the Delaware before noon, with all its big- 
gage, and other incunibrances. General VVa«ihington, apprised of 
this design, had despatched expresses into the Jerseys, with or- 
ders to collect all the force that could be assembled, in order to 
obstruct the march of the enemy. After various movements on 
both sides, Sir Henry Clinton, with the royal armv, airived at a 
place called Freehold, on the twenty-seventh of June, where, ex- 
pecting the eiiemy would attack him, he chose a strong situation. 
General Washington, as was expected, meditated an attack as 
soon as theiinny began to march. The night was spent in mak- 
ing the neces-^ary preparations, and general Lee was ordered 
with his division to be ready at day break. Sir Henry Clinton, 
justly apprehendin;^ that the chief object of the enemy was the 
bagga^ie, eo!rimitte<i it to tiie care of general Knyphauzen, whom 
he ordered to set out early in the morning, while he followed with 
the rest of the army. Tne attack was made, but the ]3ritish ge- 
neral had taken such care to arrange his troops, and so effectually 
supported liis forces when engaged with the Americans, that they 
not only made no impression, but were with difScuity preserved 
from a total defeat, by general Washington, who advanced with 
the whole of the American army. 

The British troops retreated in the night, v^ith the loss of three 
hundred men, of whom many died through fatigue (the weather 
being extremely hot.) not a wound being seen upon them. In this 
action, general Lee v/as charged by general Washington with dis- 
obedience and misconduct, in retreating before the British army. 
He was tried by a court martial, and sentenced to a suspension 
from his command for one year. When the British army had ar- 
rived at Sandy Hook, a bridge of boats was, by lord Howe's di- 
rections, thrown from thence over the channel v;hich separated 
the island from the main land, and the troops were conveyed on 
board the fleet; after which tliey sailed to New York. General 
Washington then moved towards the North River; where a great 
force had been collected to join him, and M'here it was now ex- 
pected that operations of great magnitude would take place. 

France, in the meantime, uas preparing to assist she Ameri- 
cans. On tyie. fourteenth of April, 1778, coun; D'Estaing h.ad 
sailed from Toulon, with a strong so^uadron of ships of the line, 
and frigates; he arrived on the coast of Virginia in the beginning 
of July,, whilst the British fieet was employed in conveying the 
forces from Sandy Hook to new York. The French licet con- 
sisted of one ship of 120 guns, one of 80, six of 74, and four of 
64j besides several large frigates j and exclusive of its comple- 



n HISTORY OF 

ment of sailors, it had six thousand marines and soldiers on board. 
To oppose this, the British had only six ships of 64 guns, three of 
50, and two of 40, with some frig;ates and sloops. Notwithstand- 
ing this inferiority, the British admiral had posted himself so ad- 
vantageously, and displayed such superior skill, that D'Estaing 
did not think it adviseable to attack him : he was also informed 
by the pilots, that his large vessels could not go over the bar into 
the hook. In the meantime, general Washington pressed him to 
sail to Newport. He, therefore, remained at anchor four miles oft' 
Sandy hook, till the twenty -second of July, without eftecting any 
thing more than the capture of some vessels; which, through \g- 
norance of his arrival, fell into his hands. 

The next attempt of the French admiral, in conjunction with 
the Americans, was against Rhode Island. It was proposed that 
D'Estaing. with the six thousand troops he had with him, should 
make a descent on the southern part of the island, while the 
Americans took possession of the north; at the same time, the 
French squadron was to enter the harbour of Newport, and take 
and destroy all the British shipping there. On the eighth of Au- 
gust, the French admiral entered the harbour, as was proposed, 
but was uiiable to do any material damage. Lord Howe, how- 
ever, int-tantly set sail for Rhode Island, and D'Estaing, confid- 
ing in his superiority, immediately came out of the harbour to at- 
tack him. A violent storm parted the two fleets, and did so much 
damage, that they were rendered totally unfit for action. The- 
French sutfered the most, and several of their ships being after- 
wards attacked by the English, very narrowly escaped being ta- 
ken. On the tweiiticih of August, the French admiral returned 
to Newport in a shattered condition ; but not thinking himself 
safe there, sailed two days after for Boston. 

In the meantime, general .Sullivan had landed on the northern 
part of the island, with ten thousand men. On the seventeenth of 
AiKgust, they began their operations, by erecting batteries, and . 
making their approaches to the British lines. General Figot, 
however, had so secured himself orv the land side, that the Ame- 
ricans could not attack him with any probability of succeess, with-, 
out the assistance of a marine force. D'Estaing's conduct, in aban- - 
tloning 'hem, when he was master of the harbour, gave great dis-- 
gust to the Americans, and Sullivan began to prepare for a re* 
treat. On perceiving his intentions, the garrison sallied out up- 
on him with such vigour, that it was with great difficulty he ef« 
fected it. He had not been long gone, when Sir Henry Clinton 
arrived with a reinforcementof four thousand men. The Ameri- 
cans thus having left the island, the British undertook an expe- 
dition to Buzzard's bay, on the coast of New England, and in 
the neighbourhood of Rhode Island, w here thepdestroyed a great 
Eumber of privateers and meichantoient; magazines^ and stors^ 



AMERICA. ys 

houses, &c. They proceeded next to Martha's vineyard, from 
whence they carried off ten thousand sheep and three hundred 
black catile. 

Another expedition under the command of lord Cornvvallis and 
general Knyphauzen, went up the North river; the principal ob- 
ject of which was the destruction of a regiment of cayalry, called 
AVashington's light-horse. 

A third expedition was directed to Little Egg harbour, in New 
Jersey, a place noted for privateers; it was conducted by cap- 
tains Ferguson and Collins, who completely destroyed the enemy's 
vessels. At the same time, a body of American troops, called 
Pulaski^s legion, were surprised, and a great nuniber cut off. 

The conquest of West Florida in the beginning of the Year, was 
projected by some Americans under the command of captain 
"VVilling, who had made a successful excursion into the country. 
This roused the attention of the British to the southern colonies, 
and an expedition against them was resolved on. Georgia was 
the place of destination, and the more effectually to ensure suc- 
cess, colonel Campbell, with a sufficient force, under convoy of 
some ships of war, commanded by commodore Parker, embark- 
ed at New York, while general Prevost, who commanded ia 
East Florida, was directed to set out with all the force he could 
spare. 

The armament arrived off the coast of Georgia in the montli 
of December, 1778, and though the Americans were very strongly 
posted in a very advantageous situation on the shore, the British 
troops made good their landing, and advanced towards Savannah, 
the capital of the province. The same day they defeated the 
American forces which opposed them, and entered the town of 
Savannah with such celerity, that the enemy had not time to 
burn the town, as they had intended. In ten days the whole 
province was subdued, except Sunbury ; and this was also obliged 
to submit to general Prevost in his march southward. 

To secure the tranquillity of the province was now the main 
object of the British. Rewards were offered for apprehending 
committee and assembly men, and such as had taken a decided 
part against the British government. On the arrival of general 
Prevost, the command of the troops devolved on him as the senior 
officer; and the conquest of Carolina was next projected. In 
this attempt they wera encouraged by many of th-e loyal inhabi- 
tants who had joined them ; and there was not in the province 
any considerable body of the enemy capable to oppose regulav 
and well disciplined troops. 

On the first news of general Prevost'S approach, the lo3'alists 
assembled in a body, imagining themselves able to maintain their 
station until their allies should arrive; but they were disappointed, 
't'he AKiericans attacked and ;!efeated Iheai with the bss of hji!^" 



5^4 HISTORY OF 

their number. The remainder retreated into Georgia, and witiJ 
difficulty effected a junction wilh the British torees. General 
Lincoln, in the meantime, encamped wUhin twenty miles of the 
town of Savannah, and another strono party of the provincials 
posted themselves at Briar Creek, which circumscribed the Bri- 
tish government within very narrow bounds. 

General Prevost, therefore, determined to dislodge the enemy at 
Briar Creek ; and the provincials, trusting to their strong situa- 
tion, were remiss in their guard, by \vhi«*h neglect, they were 
unexpectedly surprised on the thirtieth of March, 1779, and to- 
tally routed, with ihe loss of three hundred killed and taken pri- 
soners, besides a great number drowned in the river: all the 
artillery, stores, baajgage, and almost all the arnis of this party 
were taken, so that they were incapable of making any further 
opposition to the British in that quarter. 

Thus the province of Georgia was once more under the control 
of the British, and a communication was opened with Carolina. 
The victory at Briar Creek paved the way for the loyalists to join 
the British army, who considerably encreased its force. Gener- 
al Prevost was now enablec^to extend his posts further up the 
river and to guard all the principal passes : so that general Lin- 
coln was reduced to a state of inaction: and at last moved off to 
Augusta, that he might protect the assembly, which sat at that 
place; the capital being no\^ in possession of the British. 

The British general new began to put in execution the grand 
scheme which had been meditated against Carolina. Notwith- 
standing many difficulties lay in the way, the constancy and per- 
severance of the British forces prevailed. Genei al Moultrie, who 
was stationed with a body of troops to oppose their passage, was 
obliged to give way, and retreat towards Charleston ; and the Bri- 
tish army, after encountering many difficulties throuj^h a marshy 
country, at length arrived in an open champaign, through which 
they passed with great rapidity, towards the capital; while ge- 
neral Lincoln marched to its relief. 

The danger to which Charleston was exposed, animated the 
American general. A chosen body of American infantry was 
mounted on horses, for the greater expedition, and were despatch- 
ed before him; while he himself followed with all the forces he 
could collect. General Moultrie too with the troops he had brought 
from Savannah, and some others he had colkcted since his retreat 
from thence, had taken possession of all the avenues leading to 
Charleston, and prepared for a vigorous defence. But all oppo- 
sition was vain and ineffectual, the British army approached 
within cannon shot of Charleston, on the twelfth of May, 1779. 

The town was now sumiooned to surrender, and the iuhaoit- 
ants would gladly have agreed to observe a nutrality during the 
rest of the war, and would also have engaged for the province* 



4MERICA. 9i; 

But these terms not being accepted, they prepared for a vigorous 
defence. It was not in the power of the British commander, 
however, to succeed at this time in an attack ; his artillery was 
not of sufficient weightphe had no ships to support him, and he 
knew that general Lincoln was advancing with a superior force; 
and that he would be liable to be inclosed between his forces and 
those in the town. So that certain destruction awaited him upon 
the failure of his Thit attempt upon the town. He, therefore, 
prudently resolved to withdraw his forces: and took possession 
of two islands, called St. James's and St. John's, lying to the 
southward; where, in a short time, his force was augmented by 
the arrival of two frigates; with these he, determined to make 
himself master of Port Royal, another island possessed of a good 
harbour, and many other natural advantages, commanding all the 
sea coast from Charleston to Savannah river. This, however, he 
could not accomplish without opp«)sition from the American gen- 
eral, who attempted to dislodge luni from his post on St. John's 
island ; but after an obstinate and unsuccessful attempt, was oblig- 
ed to retire with considerable loss. 

The principal occasion of the success of the British was an 
armed float wliicli galled the right fiank of the Americans so eftec- 
tually, that they could direct their eilbrts only ao;ainst the strong- 
•est part of the lines, which was impregnable to their attacks. 
This disappointment was followed by the loss of Port Royal, which 
general Prevost took possession of, and stitioned his troops in 
proper places waiting the arrival of such reinforcements as were 
expected for the intended attack upon Charleston. 

Count D'Esiaing, in the meantime, had put into Boston harbour 
to refit, and used his utmost efforts to gain the good will of the in- 
habitants. He also published a proclamation to be dispersed 
through Canada, inviting the people to return to their original 
friendship with Fiance; declaring that all who renounced their 
allegiance to the king of Great Britain, should be protected bj 
the king of France. 

The Canadians, however, were too vase to relinquish a present 
good, to depend upon the unsubstantial promises of a courtier, 
whose means were inadequate to his*proft-sstons, and whose chief 
aim was to divide and ruin the British interest in America. 

The French adiuiral, as soon as liis fti^et was refitted, and 
while admiral Bryon's had been shattered by a storm, took that 
opportunity of sailing to the West Indies.. ..During his operations 
there, the Americans repiesented his conduct as totally unser- 
viceable to them; upon which he received orders from Europe 
to assist, the colonies with all possible speed, \greeably to these 
orders, he directed his course towards Georgia- with the avowed 
design of recovering that province from the British, and to put 
it, as well as South Carolina, in such a state of defence, as would 



9l3 HISTORY OF 

secure them from any future attack. This, upon a superficial 
view, appeared easy to be effected, as he knew there was but a 
small force to oppose him. .v 

The British fleet and army at New York was next to be des- 
troyed, and their total expulsion from America was anticipated 
as an event at no great distance. Full of these towering hopes, 
the French admiral arrived uffthe coast of Georgia, with a tleet 
of twenty sail of the line and ten frigates. 

His arrival wa> so unexpected, that several vessels laden with 
provisions fell inio his hands. The Experiment, a fifty gun ship, 
commanded by Sii James Wallace, was taken, after a stout resis- 
tance. On the continent, the British troops were divided. Gener- 
al Prevost, witli an inconsiderable party, was at Savannah; but 
the main force, under colonel Maitland, was at Port Royal. 

On the first appearance of the French fleet, an express was sent 
off to colonel Alaitland, but it was intercepted by the enemy; so 
(hat before he could get out to join the commander in chief, the 
Americans had secured the piincipal passes by land, while the 
French effectually blockaded the passage by sea. But by taking 
advantage of creeks and inlets, and marching over land, he ar- 
rived just in time to relieve Savannah. 

D'Estaing had allowed general Prevost twenty-four hours to 
deliberate whether he should capitulate or not; this interval he 
made use of in making the best preparations in his power, and 
during this time colonel Maitland arrived. D'Estaing's sum- 
mons was now rejected. The garrison consisted of three thou- 
sand men of approved valour and experience. The united force 
of the French and Americans was about ten thousand. 

The event was answerable to the expectation of the British 
general: having the advantage of a strong fortification, and ex- 
cellent engineers, the fire of the allies made but little impression 5 
so that D'Estaing resolved to bombaid the town, and a battery 
of nine niorlars was erected for that purpose. 

The allied commanders, from motives of policy, refused gene- 
ral Prevost's request to permit the women and childi en to retire 
to a place of safety, and they resolved to make a general assault. 
This was attempted on tlie ninth of October ; but the assailants 
%vere every where repulsed with great slaughter; one thousand 
two hundred were killed and wounded; among the first was 
Count Pulaski, one of the conspirators against the king of Poland, 
and umong the latter was D'Estaing himself. 

This defeat entirely overthrew the sanguine hopes of the French 
and Americans ; after waiting eight days longer, the allied forces 
retreated; the French to their shipping, and the Americans to 
Carolina. About this time Sir George Collier was sent with a 
fleet, having general Matthews and a body of land forces on 
board, to Virginia. The first attempt was against the town of 



AMERICA, &5 

I^Oitsrnouth, where the British troops carrieiS oS' twenty vessels, 
with an immense quantity of provisions, designed for general 
Washington's army, together with a variety of naval and milita- 
ry stores: at the same time and place were burnt one hundred 
and twenty vessels; after which the British returned to New 
York with little or no loss. 

The successful issue of this expedition^ encouraged them to un- 
dertake another. The Amerifans had erected two strong forts 
on the Hudson river, the one at Verplank's neck on the east, and 
the other at Stoney Point on the west side; ihese were likely to 
be of the utmost service to the Americans, as they commanded 
the principal pass, called King's ferry, between the northern and 
southern colonies. The force employed upon this occasion, was 
divided into two bodies, one of which was directed against Ver- 
plank's, under the command of general Vaughan, the latter by 
general Patterson, while the shipping was under the direction of 
SirGeorge Collier. General Vaughan met with no resistance; the 
enemy abandoned their works at his approach ; but at Stoney 
point, a vigorous defence was made. The garrison, notwithstand- 
ing, was obliged to capitulate, but upon honourable conditions. 
General Clinton, desirous to secure the possession of this last, 
removed from his former situation, and encamped in such a man- 
ner, that general Washington could not give any assistance. 

The Americans, however, revenged themselves of the British, 
by distressing the trade of New York, by their numerous priva- 
teers. These privateers were chiefly built and harboured in Con- 
necticut; an expedition, therefore, under the command of gov- 
ernor Tryon and general Garth, an officer of known valour and 
experience, was undertaken, under a convoy of a considerable 
number of armed vessels; they landed at New Haven, where 
they destroyed the batteries that had been erected to oppose 
them, besides a number of shipping and naval stores; but as the 
inhabitants did not fire upon the troops from the houses the build- 
ina;s in town were spared. 

From New Haven they proceeded to Fairfield, which they reduc- 
ed to ashes. Norwaik was next attacked and afterwards Greenfield, 
a small sea-port in the neigiibourhood, both of which were burnt. 

These successes were alarmino;, as well as detrimental to the 
Americans, so that general Washington was determined at all 
events, to drive the enemy from Stoney Point. For this purpose 
general Wayne was sent with a detachment of chosen men, with 
directions to take it by surprise. After the capture of it by the 
British, the fortifications had been completed and made very 
strong; notwithstanding, the Americans passed through a heavy 
fire of musquetry and grape shot, and in spite of all opposition 
obliged (he surviving part of the garrison, consisting of five hun- 
dred men, to surrender themselves prisoners of war, 

z 



i)« HISTORY OF 

The Americans dipl not attempt to retain possession of Stonejr 
Point, but their success in surprising it, ^couraged them to make 
a similar attack on Paulns Ilnnk, a post strong! j fortified on the 
Jersey side, opposite to New York. After having completely sur- 
prised the posts, major Lee, (he American commander, finding it 
impossible to retain them, made an orderly retreat with about one 
hundred and sixty-one prisoners, among whom were seven officers. 

Another expedition, and of irreater importance, was now under- 
taken by the Americans. This was against a post on the river 
Penobscot, on the borders of Nova Scotia, of which the British 
had taken possession, and where they had begun to erect a fort, 
which threatened to be very incovenient to the Americans. Tho 
armament destined against it was so expeditiously fitted out, that 
colonel Machine, the commanding officer at Penobscot, was obli- 
ged to content himself with putting the vvoi ks ah-eady construct- 
ed in as good a posture of defence as possible. The Americans 
could not effect a landing, or bring the guns of the largest ves- 
sels to hear upon the shore, without much difficulty. 

As soon as this was done, they erected several batteries, and 
kept up a b? isk fire, for the space of a fortnight ; after which they 
])roposed to give a general assault: but bef()re this could be er- 
fected, sir George Collier, with a British fleet, was seen sailing up 
the river to attack them. On this they instantly embarked their 
iirtillery and stores, sailing up the jiver as far as possible, to 
avoid being taken. But ihey were so closely pursued, that not a 
single vessel escaped ; thus the American fleet, consisting of nine- 
teen armed vessels and twenty -four transports, were destroyed. 
The soldiers and sailors were obliged to wander through im- 
mense deserts, uhere they sufi'ered much for want of provisions: 
and to add to their calamities, a quarrel between th(^ seamen and 
soldiers broke out, concerning the cause of their misfortunes; a 
violent aliVay ensued, in which a great number were killed. 

Thus the arms of France and Auierica being every where un- 
successful, the independency of the latter seemed yet to be in 
danger, notwithstanding the assistance of so powerful an ally. 

The hopes of the Americans were again revived by the acces- 
sion of Spain to th.e confederacv against Great Britain. The eager 
desire of Spain to humble Great Britain, appeared to have depriv- 
ed her of that cautious reserve which seems interwoven with the 
constiiution of the Spanish government. They certainly did not 
consider that, by establishing an independent empire so near 
them, their rich pr.ssessions in South America would be in danger, 
and open to the incursions of a powerful and enterprising people, 
whenever they clsose <o extend their territoiy. 

The first acJ of hostility against Great Britain by the Spaniards, 
vas an invasion of West Florida, in September, 17; 9. They ea- 
sily made themselves masters of the whole, as there was little 



AMERICA. 99 

or no opposition ; the country being in no state of defence. They 
next proceeded to the bjay of Honduras, wliere the British log- 
wood cutters were settled. These, finding themselves too weak 
to resist, applied to the governor of Jamaica for assistarxe, who 
sent them a supply of men, ammunition, and military stores, un- 
der captain Dalrymple. 

Before the arrival of this detachment, the principal settlement, 
called St. George's Key, had been taken by the Spaniards, and 
retaken by the British.* Captain Dalrymple, in his way, lell m 
with a squadron from admiral Parker's ileet, in search of some 
register-sliips, richly laden; but they retreated into the harbour 
of Omoa, under the protection of a fori that was too strong to be 
attacked on the water side with safety. 

A project Vv'as then formed, in conjunction with the people of 
Honduras, to reduce this fort; but the artillery they had with 
them were too light to make any impression, it was then deter- 
mined to try the success of an escalade; and this v/as executed 
with so much spirit, that the Spaniards were so astonished that 
they made no resistance. 

The soldiers threw down their arms and surrendered. The 
spoil was very great, being valued at three millions of dollars. 
The Spaniards chiefly lamented the loss of two hundred and fifty 
quintals of quick silver, a commoditv indispensably necessary m 
the working of their gold and silver mines ; so that they offered 
to ransom it at any price ; but this was refused : as also the ran- 
som of the fort, notwithstanding the governor ofifered three hun- 
dred thousand dollars for it. A small garrison was left in it by 
the British. But it was soon after attacked by a formidable force, 
and they were obliged to evacuate it. But before they retired, 
they destrojed every thing that could be of use to the enemy ; the^ 
guns were spiked, and they even locked the gates and carried oil* 
the keys, in sight of the besiegers: after which the garrison em- 
bat ked without the loss of a man. 

The war in America was now transferred to the southern colo- 
nies, where the operations bei-ame at last decisive. Towards the 
end of the vear 1779, sir Henry Clinton sailed from New York, 
with a considerable body of troops, intended for an attack on 
Charleston, in South Carolina, in a fleet of ships of war and trans- 
ports, under the command of vice-admiral Arbuthnot. After a 
tedious voyage, in which they suitered some losses, they arrived 
at the Havanna, where tney endeavoured to repair the damages 
tiiey had sustained during' the voyage. From thence tliey pro- 
ceeded to North Hdisto, on the tenth of February, 17S0. The 
passage thither was speedy and prosperous. The transports all 
entered the harbour next day ; and the army took possession of 
St. John's island; about thirty miles froiH Charleston, without 
any opposition. 



100 HiSTORY OF Jill 

Preparations were immediately made for passing the squadroa 
over Charleston bar; but no opportunity offered ofgoing into the 
harbour, until the twentieth of March; when it was effected 
without any accident, though the American gallies continually at- 
tempted to prevent the English boats from sunding the channel. 

The British troops had previously femoved from St. John's to 
St. James's island; and on the twenty-ninth of the same month, 
they effected their landing on Charleston neck. They broke 
ground on the first of April, within eight hundred yards of the 
American works ; and by the eighth, the guns were mounted in 
battery. 

Admiral Arbuthnot, in passing Sullivan^s island, sustained a se- 
vere fire from the American batteri(»s erected there, and suffered 
some damage in his rigging, twenty-seven seamen were killed 
and wounded, the Acetiis transport, having on board some naval 
stores, grounded within gun-shot of tlie island, and was so much 
damaged, that she was abandoned and burnt. Sir Henry Clintoa 
and the admiral, on the tenth of April, summoned the town to sur- 4 
Fender to his majesty's arms. But general Lincoln, who com- f I 
rnanded in Charleston, answered with a declaration of his inten- 
tion to defend the place. The batteries were then opened against 
the town, and after a short time, the fire from the American ad- 
vanced-works abated. The troops in the town were not suffi- 
cient in point of numbers for defending works of such extent as 
those of Charleston 5 many of them had not been much aceustoni- 
i'd to military service, and very badly provided with clothes, and 
other necessaries. Supplies and reinforcements, which were 
unxiously expected by general Lincoln, from Virginia and other | ] 
places, were intercepted by Ear! Cornwaliis, and lieutena.nt-colo- ij 
nel Tarleton. Tiiey totally? defeated a body of cavalry and mili- 1| 
tia, as they were proceeding to the relief of the town; they like- ' 
wise secured certain posts wjjich commanded the adjacent coun- 
try, by which means they often prevented sup.plies of provisions 
aom enterina; into the town. 

Tarleton, however, was defeated by eolon.el Washington, at 
the head of a regular troop of horse; v\hich circumstance afford- 
ed the ladies in Charleston, who were warmly attached to the 
cause of their country, an opjjortunity of rail yiiig the British ofJi- 1 
cers, and Tai Iet«)n in particular, who affecting- to make his court 1 
io one of them, by commending the bravery of colonel Washing- | 
Ion, added, he should like tosee him; she wittily rcjdied, he * 
might have had that iyratification,had he looked behind him when 
ho lied from the battle of the Cowpens. 

On the 1 8th of IMay, general Clinton again summoned the town, 
to surrender, upon the same terms as he had offered before. Gen- 
eral Lincoln then proposed articles of capitulation, but they were 
?iot agreed to by gcneial Clinton, At length the town bein^. 



AMEHICA. 301 

closely invested, and preparations made for storming it, and the 
ships, consisting, of the Roebuck, Richmond, Romulus, Blonde, 
Virginia, Raleigh, and Sandwich armed ship, and the Renown, 
all ready to move to the assault. General Lincoln, at the earnest 
entreaty of the inhabitants, surrendered it on such articles as had 
been proposed by the British general. This was on the fourth of 
May, the town having held out one month and two days, since it 
had tirst been summoned to surrender. 

A large quantity of ordnance, arms, and ammunition, were 
found in Charleston, and according to sir Henry Clinton's account, 
the number of prisoners amounted to five thousand six hundred 
and fifteen men, but according to the account transmitted to Con- 
gress by general Lincoln, amounted only to two thousand four 
hundred and eighty-seven : to account for the great difference in 
the two statements, in the most satisfactory manner, must be, by 
supposing that general Clinton included the militia and inhabi- 
tants of the town. Several American frigates were also taken, 
and destroyed in the harbour of Charleston. 

After the surrender of the town, general Clinton issued two 
proclamations, and a hand-bill was circulated among the inhabi- 
tants of South Carolina; the design of which, was to induce them 
to return to their allegiance, and to be ready to join the king's 
troops. It imported, that the helping hand of every man was 
wanted to establish peace and good order; and that as the com- 
mander in chief wished not to draw the king's friends into danger, 
while success remained doubtful, so now, as all doubts upon this 
head were removed, he trusted that one and all would heartily 
join to eftcQt such necessary measures, as from time to time 
might be pointed out for that purpo'se. 

Those who had families, were to form a militia lo remain at 
home, and assembled occasionally in their own districts, when re- 
quired, under officers of their own choosing. Those who had no 
families, and could be conveniently spared for a time, it was pre- 
sumed, would cheerfully assist his majesty's troops in drivin.^ 
their oppressors, acting under the authority of congress, and all 
the miseries of war, far from that colony. 

For this purpose, it was said to be necessary that the young 
men should be ready to assemble when required, and serve with 
the king's troops for any six months of the ensuing twelve, that 
might be requisite, under proper regulations. They might choose 
oflicers for each company to command them, and were to be al- 
lowed, when on service, pay, ammunition, and provisions, in the 
same manner as the king's troops. When they joined the army, 
each man was to be furnished with a certificate, declaring, that 
he was only engaged as a militia-man for the term specified, that 
he was not to be marched beyond North Carolina and Georgia; 
and that when the time was expired, he was freed from all claims 

Z-2 



10 Z HISTORY OF 

whatever ©f military service, excepting the common and usual 
militia duty where he lived. He would then, it was said, have 
paid his debt to his country ; and be entitled to enjoy undisturbed 
that peace, liberty, and property, at home, which he had contri- 
Uuled to secure. 

The proclamations and publications of general Clinton produced 
some effect in South Carolina. A number of the inhabtants of 
Charleston, who were considered as prisoners on parole, signed 
an address to general Clinton and admiral Arbuthnot, amounting 
to two hundred and ten persons, soliciting to be re-admitted to the 
character and condition of British subjects, declaring their disap- 
probation of the doctrine of American independence, and ex- 
pressing their regret, that after the repeal of those statutes which 
gave rise to the troubles in America, the overtures made by his 
majesty's commissioners had not been regarded by congress. 

Before we proceed any further with the transactions in South 
Carolina, it will be necessary to take a view of the war in another 
part of the continent. On the tenth of July, 178G, M.Ternay, witln 
a fleet, consisting of seven ships of the line, besides frigates and 
transports, vith a large body of French troops, commanded by 
count Ro(;hambeau, arrived at Rhode Island; and the following 
day six thousand men were landed there ; a committee of the gen- 
eral assembly of Rhode Island was appointed to congratulate the 
French general upon his arrival : whereupon he returned an an- 
swer in which he informed (hem that the king, his master, had sent 
him to the assistance of his good and faithful allies, the United 
Srtates of America. At present, he said, he only brought over 
the vanguard of a much greater force destined for their aid : 
and the king had ordered him to assure them that his whole pow- 
<:r should be exerted for their support. He added, that the French 
troops were under the strictest discipline; and were to act under 
the orders of general Washington, and that they would live with 
the Americans as brethren. 

A scheme was soon after formed, of making a combined attack 
v;ith English ships and troops, under the command of sir Henry 
IMinton and admiral Arbuthnot, against the French fleet and troops 
at Rhode Island. Accordingly, a considerable part of the troops 
were embarked at New York for that purpose. As soon as gene- 
ral Washington received information of their design, by a rapid 
movement, he passed the North river, and with an army of 
twelve thousand men proceeded to King^s-Bridge, in order to at- 
tack New York; but learning that the British general had chang- 
ed his intentions, and disembarked his troops en the twenty -first 
of the month, he re-crossed the river, and returned to bis &r» 
mer station. 

An unsuccessful attempt was also made about this time in the 
v^ergeys, by Knyphauzenj with sevea th'^jusand British troops ur- 



I 



AMERICA. . 103 

der his command, to surprise the advance posts of General Wash- 
ington's army. They proceeded with great expedition, towards 
Springfield, meeting little opposition till they came to the bridge, 
which was gallantly defended by one hundred and seventy of the 
continental troops,* for tiiteen minut(;s, against the British array ; 
but were at length obliged to give up so unequal a contest, with 
the loss of thirty-seven men. After securing this pass, the British 
inarched from place to place, and committed some depredations, 
but gained no laurels, and were obliged to return without effect- 
Dg any thing material. 

The royal arms were attended with more success in South Car- 
olina. Earl Cornwallis, who now commanded the troops in that 
quarter, obtained a signal victory over general Gates on the six- 
teenth of August. The action began at day break: the Ameri- 
cans were much more numerous than the British, but numbers 
were of no advantage, as the ground, on which both armies stood, 
was narrowed by swamps on the right and left. 

The attack was made by the British troops with great vigour, 
and in a few minutes it became general along the whole, line. It 
was at this time a dead calm, the air was hazy, so that the smoke 
occasioned so thick a darkness, that it was impossible for either 
party to see the effects of a very heavy fire, and well supported 
on both sides. The British troops kept up a constant fire, or made 
use of bayonets as opportunities offered 5 and after an obstinate 
resistance of three quarters of an hour, the Americans were thrown 
into confusion, and forced to give way in every quarter. The 
continental troops behaved well : but the militia were soon bro- 
ken, and left the former to oppose the whole force of the British 
troops. General Gates did all in his power to rally them, but 
without effect : the regular troops under general Gates retreated 
in good order ; but the route of the militia was so great, that the 
British cavalry pursued them to the distance of twenty -two miles 
from the place where the action happened. The Americans 
lost one thousand in killed and wounded, and a like number, it 
is said, taken prisoners ; but the accounts are not very accurate. 

The British troops engaged in this action did not exceed two 
thousand reen, while the American army is said to have amount- 
ed to six thousand men, of which the greater part was militia. 
Seven pieces of brass cannon, a number of colours, and all the 
ammunition-wagons, were taken. The killed and wounded of 
the British troops amounted to two hundred and tliirteen. Ma- 
jor general Baron de Kalb, a Prussian officer in the American ser- 
vice, was taken prisoner, after he had been mortally wounded : 
he had distinguished himself in the course of the engagement by 
his gallantry, and received eleven wounds. 

Lieutenant colonel Tarleton, who had greatly distinguished 
hipiselC in this action, w&s detached th^ next day, with some ca» 



104 HISTORY OF 

valry and light infantry, to attack a party of Americans under 
the command of general Sumpter ; he executed this service with 
great military address. He had received certain intelligence of 
Sumpter's movements ; and by forced and concealed marches, 
came up with and surprised him, in the middle of the day, on the 
ISth of the month, near the Catawba fords : the detachment un- 
der Sumpter was totally dispersed, amounting to seven hundred 
men ; one hundred and fifty were killed on the spot, and three 
hundred made prisoners : two pieces of brass cannon, and forty- 
four wagons, were likewise taken. 

While the French fleet and army were blockaded at Rhode 
Island, by admirals Graves and Arbuthnot, with a fleet of ten 
sail of the line, and the Americans were brooding over their 
disappointments; the campaign of 1780 having passed away in 
the northern states, in successive and reitterated distresses ; the 
country exhausted, and the continental currency expiring: the 
army inactivefor want of subsistence ; while these disasters were 
openly menacing the ruin of the American cause, treachery was 
secretly undermining it. 

General Arnold, a distinguished officer, a native of Connecti- 
cut, who had been among the foremost to take up arms against 
Great Britain, and widen the breach between the parent state 
and the colonies ; his distinguished military talents had procured 
him every honour a grateful country could bestow : he possessed, 
and was in the full enjoyment of substantial fame: his country 
had not only loaded him with honours, but forgiven his crimes : 
he, who had been prodigal of life in his country ^s cause, was in- 
dulged in extraordinary demands for his services. But the gene- 
rosity of the states did not keep pace with the extravagance of 
their favourite officer. His love of pleasure produced the love of 
money : to attain which he sacrificed his honour and duty. He 
made contracts, and entered into partnerships and speculations, 
which could not bear investigation. Thus embarrassed, a change 
of political sides aiforded the only proSable hope of evading a 
scrutiny, and bettering his circumstances, and gratifying his fa* 
vourite passions. 

The American army was stationed in the strong holds of the 
High Lands, on both sides of the North River ; Arnold was en- 
trusted by general Washington, with the command of West Point, 
a strong fortified post. This was called the Gibralter of Ameri- 
ca, and was built for the defence of the North River. Rocky 
rklges rising one behind another rendered it so secure, that it could 
not be invested by a less number than twenty thousand men. ...Ar- 
nold being entrusted with the command, carried ou a negociation 
with general Clinton, by which it was agreed, that Arnold should 
so arrange matters, that Clinton should be enabled to surprise 
Vy<?st Point, and have the garrisoa so completely in his power 



I 



AMERICA. 105 

that the troops must either lay down their arms, or be cut to pieces. 

The loss of this fort would have been sever«ly felt, as it was 
the repository of their most valuable stores. Sir Henry Clinton's 
agent in this negociation was major Andre, adjutant-general of 
the British army, a young officer of uncommon merit ; nature had 
bestowed on him her choicest gifts ; he possessed many amiable 
and rare qualities; his fidelity, his place, and character fitted him 
tor this important business ; but his high idea for candour, his ab- 
horrence of duplicity, and nice sense of honour, made him reject 
those arts of deception which was necessary to accomplish its 
success. To favour the necessary communication, the Vulture 
sloop of war had been previously stationed in the North River as 
Bear to Arnold's posts as was possible, without exciting suspicion. 
A v.'ritten correspondence had been carried on between Arnold and 
Andre un ler the fictitious names of Gustavus and Anderson. A 
boat was seat in the night to bring major Andre to shore ; he was 
met by Arnold on the beach without the posts of either army. As 
their business was not finished before the dawn of day, which 
made it unsafe for Andre to return to the Vulture sloop of war, 
he was persuaded by Arnold to lie concealed until the next night. 
He was then conducted within one of the American posts, against 
his previous stipulation and knowledge, and continued with Ar- 
nold the following day. The next night the boat-men refused to 
take him back, as the Vulture had changed her position. Tb@ 
only practicable mode of escape was by land to New York. 

To ensure success he changed his uniform, which he had hith- 
erto worn under a surtout; was furnished with a horse, and a 
pass under the name of John Anderson, allowing him to go to the 
White Plains, or lower if he thought proper. He advanced alone, 
and undisturbed a great part of the way. And when he expected 
he was nearly out of danger, was stopped by three of the New 
York militia, who, with others, were scouting between the posts of 
the two armies. Major Andre, instead of producing his pass, asked 
the man who stopped him'' where he belonged to r" who answer- 
ed,'- to below," meaning New York. He replied ^' so do I," and dc 
dared himself a British officer, and desired he might not be detain- 
ed. He soon found his mistake. The captors proceeded to search 
him ; sundry papers were found in his possession. These were se- 
creted iji his boots, and were in Arnold's hand writing. They con- 
tained exact returns of the state of the forces, ordnance at'West 
Point, the artillery orders, and critical remarks on the works, &c. 

Andre oHered his captors a purse of gold, and a new valuable 
watch, if they would let him pass : and permanent provision, and 
future promotion, if they would convey and accompany him to 
New York. This was refused, and he v. as delivered a prisoner to 
colonel Jameson, w ho commanded the scooting parties. Andre still 
assumed the name of John Anderson, and asked leave to. send a 



1^6 HISTORY OF 

letter to Arnold, to acquaint him with his detention : this was grant- 
ed, and Arnold immediately, upon the receipt of the letter, aban- 
doned everj thing, and went on board the Vulture sloop of war. 

Lieutenant-colonel Jameson forwarded, by an express, all the 
papers found on Andre, together with a letter from that gentle- 
man, avowing his name and rank, in which he endeavoured to 
shew thai he did net come under the description of a spy. The 
style of the letter was dignified without insolence. He stated, 
ihat he had held a correspondence with a person, by order of his 
general ; that his iniention went no further, than to meet that 
person on neutral ground, for the purpose of intelligence; and 
that against his express stipulation and intention, he was brought 
within the American posts, and had to concert his escape from 
them. Being taken on his return, he was betrayed into the vile 
condition of an enemy in disguise. He concluded with requesting, 
whatever his fate should prove, a decency of treatment might be 
observed, which would mark, that though unfortunate, he was 
branded with nothing that was dishonourable, and that he was 
involuntarily an impostor. 

General Washington referred the case of major Andre to the 
decision of a board of general offit-ers. On his examination, he 
candidly confessed every thing relating to himself; and particu- 
larly, that he did not come on shore under the sanction of a flag. 
The board did not examine a single witness, but founded their 
report on his own confession ; and finally gave it as their opinion, 
" that major Andre ought to be considered as a spy ; and that 
agreeably to the laws and usages of nations, he ought to sufter 
death'" 

Every exertion was made by the royal commanders, and ev^ry 
plea that ingenuity and humanity could suggest, to save the life 
of Andre, but without effect. Greene })roposed delivering him 
up for Arnold ; but this could not be acceeded to by the British, 
consistent with principles of sound policy. Andre, though supe- 
rior to the terrors of death, wished to die like a soldier. To obtain 
this favour, he wrote a letter to general Washington, fraught with 
sentiments of military dignity. General Washington did not 
think proper to grant this request; but his delicacy was saved 
from the pain of a negative denial. The guard which attended 
him in his confinement, marched with him to the place of execu- 
tion. Major Andre walked with firmness, con>posure, and dig- 
nity, between two oflicers of his guard, his aim locked in theirs. 
Upon seeing the preparations at the fatal spot, he asked with 
some concern, *• Must 1 die in this manner .^" He wus toUi it was 
unavoidable. He replied, " 1 am reconciled to my fate, but not 
to the mode:" but soon added, *'it will be hut a momentary 
pang." He ascended the cart with a pleasing countenance, and 
with a composure that excited the admiration, and melted the 



AMERICA. 10? 

hearts of the spectators. Their sensihility was strongly impress- 
ed, by beholtling a well-dressed youth in the bloom of life, of a 
peculiarly engaging; person, mien, and aspect, devoted to imme- 
diate execution. He was asked, when the fatal moment was at 
hand, if he had any thing to say : he answered, " Nothing but to 
request that you will witness to the world that I die like a brave 
man." In a few succeeding moments the affecting scene was 
closed. To offer any further remarks upon the fate of this valu- 
able and accomplished officer, would be unnecessary, as the 
world has been sufficiently acquainted wilh every transaction 
respecting it. 

After the defeat of general Gates by Earl Cornwallis, that no- 
bleman exerted himself to the utmost, in extending the progress 
of the British arms, and with considerable effect. But one enter- 
prise, which was conducted by major Ferguson, was unsuccessful. 
That ofiicer had been very active in his exertions in the royal 
cause, and had taken great pains to improve the discipline of the 
loyal militia; wilh about one thousand four hundred of these, he 
nriade several incursions into the country. He was, however, at- 
tacked on the 7th of October, 1780, by a superior body of Ameri- 
cans, at King's mountain, and totally defeated. One hundred and 
fifty were killed in the action, and eight hundred and ten made 
prisoners, and one thousand five hundred stand of arms were 
taken. 

But the month following, lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, with a 
party of one hundred and seventy cavalry, attacked general 
Sumpter, who is said to have had one thousand men, at a place 
called Black Stocks, and obliged him to retire. Sumpter was 
wounded, and about one hundred and twenty of his party killed, 
wounded, and taken prisoners: about fifty of the British were 
killed and wounded. 

On the tliird of September, the Mercury, a Congress packet, 
was taken by the Vestal, commanded by captain Kepple, near 
Newfoundland. On board this packet was Henry Laurens, late 
president of Congress, who was bound on an embassy to Holland. 
He had thrown his papers overboard, but the greatest part of 
them were recovered, without receiving much damage. He was 
brought to London, and examined before the privy council ; in 
consequence of which, he was committed a close prisoner to the 
tower, on a charge of high treason. The contents of those papers, 
hastened the rupture which soon after took place, between Great 
Britain and Holland ; for among them was found, the plan of a 
treaty, between the (Jnited States of North America, and the 
republic of Holland. 

On the first of January, T781, the troops that were hutted at 
Morristown, called the Pennsylvania line, turned out, in number 
aboi^ one thousand three hundred, and declared they would serve 



108 HISTORY OF 

no longer, unless their grievances were redressed. A riot ensued, 
in which an officer was killed and some wounded. They then 
collected the artillery and stores, and marched out of the camp. 
As they passed by the quarters of general Wayne, he sent a mes- 
sage to them, requesting them to desist, or the consequences 
might prove fatal. They nevertheless proceeded on their march, 
till the evening, when they posted themselves advantageously, and 
elected officers to command them ; the next day they marched to 
Middlebrook, and on the third they reached Princeton, where 
they fixed their quarters! On that "day, a flag of truce was se»t 
to Ihem from the officers of the American camp, with a message, 
desiring to be informed what were their intentions. Some alledg- 
cd they had served out the time of their enlistment, and would 
serve no longer; and others declared they would not return, unless 
their grievances were redressed. But they all at the same time 
protested, that they were^ot actuated by motives of disaffection 
to the American cause. This they soon had it in their power to 
make manifest, when general Clinton (who was soon informed 
«f the revolt, and hoped to draw them over to the British interest) 
sent two messengers with tempting offers to that purpose : these 
they disdainfully refused, and delivered up the messengers to 
Congress. Joseph Reid, esq. president of the state of Pennsylva- 
nia, afterwards effected an accommodation ; those who had served 
outtheirfull time, were permitted to return home, and the others, 
upon satisfactory assurances that their grievances should be re- 
dressed, rejoined their countrymen in arms. 

To return to North Carolina, where lord Cornwallishad began 
to make vigorous exertions in order to reduce that province, but 
was delayed by general Morgan and the troops under him, who 
attempted to make themselves masters of the valuable district of 
Kinety-Six. To prevent this, his lordship despatched lieutenant- 
colonel Tarleton, with three hundred cavalry, three hundred light 
infantry, the seventh regiment, the first battalion of the seventy- 
first regiment, and two three pounders, to oppose the progress of 
Morgan. The British commander had not the least doubt of the 
success of the expedition. On the 17th of January, the royal 
detachment came up with the Americans under general Morgan, 
two-thirds of whom were militia : these were drawn up in a wood, 
at a place called the Cowpens, near Pacolet river. The British, 
besides the advantage of field pieces, had five to four in infantry, 
and more than three to one in cavalry. The attack was begun by 
the first line of infantry, consisting of the seventh regiment, and 
a corps of light infantry, with a troop of cavalry placed on each 
flank. The first battalion of the sevent}? -first, and the remainder 
of the cavalry, formed the reserve. The American line soon gave 
way, and the militia quitted the field ; upon whiHi the king's troops 
Supposing victory certain, engaged with aidour hx the pursuit arm 



AMERICA. 109 

were thereby thrown into disorder : general Morgan's corps, who 
were supposed to have been routed, immediately faced about ; and 
discharged so heavy a fire upon the royal troops, as threw them 
into such confusion, that they were at length totally defeated by 
the Americans. Four hundred of the British light infantry were 
killed, wounded or taken prisoners : the two field -pieces fell into 
the hands of the Americans, together with the colours of the sev- 
enth regiment ; and almost all the detachment of royal artillery- 
were cut to pieces in defence of their colours. Colonel Tarleton 
then retreated to Hamilton's ford, near the mouth of Bullock's 
creek, with part of his baggage, having destroyed the rest. This 
stroke was sensibly felt by lord Cornwallis. 

The care of collectini^'the remains of Tarleton's corps, now 
principally employed his thoughts, as well as to endeavour to form 
a junction wiih general Leslie, who had been ordered to march 
towards him with a body of British troops from VVynnesborough. 
Considerable exertions were then made by part of the army, to 
retake the prisoners, and intercept general Morgan's corps on its 
retreat to the Catawba. But that officer, by forced marches, had 
crossed it the evening before a great rain, which swelled the river 
to such a height as prevented the British from crossing for seve- 
ral days ; in which time the prisoners, with their captors, had 
crossed the Yadkin river, whence they proceeded to the river 
Dan, which they also passed : and on the 14th of February 
reached Guilford court-house in Virginia. 

Lord Cornwallis halted two days to collect flour, and rid him* 
self of all unnecessary incumbrances. Being thus prepared, he 
marched through North Carolina with great rapidity, and pene- 
trated to the extremities of that province, to the banks of the river 
Dan : some skirmishes ensued, but he met with no very consider- 
able opposition. On the first of February, 1781, the king'si^roops 
crossed the Catawba, at M'Cowan's ford, where genera] David- 
son with a party of American militia was posted, m order to op- 
pose their passage, but he was killed by the first discharge ; the 
royal troops made good their landing, and the militia retreated. 
"When lord Cornwallis arrived at Hillsborough, he erected the 
royal standard, and invited by proclamation, all loyal subjects to 
repair to it, and assist in the restoration of order and good gov- 
^nraent. He had been informed that the king's friends were 
numerous in that part of the country; but the event did not con- 
firm the truth of such information. The royalists were but few 
in number, or too timid to join the king's standard. About two 
hundred were proceeding to Hillsborough, to avow their attach- 
ment to the royal cause, under colonel Pyle, but they were met 
accidentally by a detachment of the American army, who killed 
several of them, as they v/ere begging for quarters, without mak- 
ing the least resistajicg. General Greene in the me^while wag 



no HISTORY OF 

inarching with great expedition with the troops under his com- 
mand, to form a junction with other American corps, that he 
might impede the progress of lord Cornwallis. 

General Greene, having effected a junction on the tenth of 
March 1781, with a regiment of continental troops, and two large 
bodies of militia from Virginia and North Carolina, was resolved 
to attack the British troops under lord Cornwallis. They accord- 
ingly marched on the twelfth, and on the fourteenth arrived ^t 
Guilford. Lord Cornwallis was apprised of the designs of the 
American general ; as they approached- nearer to each other, a 
few skirmishes between the advanced parties took place. On the 
fifteenth, lord Cornwallis proceeded with his whole force, to at- 
tack the Americans on their march, or in their encampment. 
About four miles from Guilford the advanced guard of the Bri- 
tish army, commanded by colonel Tarleton, were met by lieuten- 
ant-colonel Lee's division, with whom he had a severe skirmish, 
and was obliged to make a precipitate retreat. The country in 
which the action happened is a perfect wilderness, excepting 
some few fields interspersed. 

The American army was posted on a rising ground, about a 
mile and a half from Guilford court-house : ii was drawn up in 
three lines, the front composed of the North Carolina militia, un- 
der the command of generals Butler and Eaton; the second 
line of Virginia militia commanded by generals Stephens and 
Lawson, forming two brigades ; the third line consisting of two 
brigades, one of Maryland and the other of Virginia continental 
troops ; and a regiment of riflemen, under the command of col- 
onel Lynch, formed a corps of observation for the security of the 
right flank ; lieutenant-colonel Lee, with his legion, a detachment 
of light infantry, and a corps of liflemen under colonel Campbell, 
formed a corps of observation for the security of the left flank. 
The attack on the American arn\7, was made in the following 
order, Ijy the directions of lord Cornwallis. On the right the regi- 
ment of Bose, and the seventy -first regiment, led by major-gen- 
eral Leslie, and supported by the first battalion of guards ; on the 
left, the twenty-third and thirty-third regiments, led by lieuten- 
ant-colonel Webster, and supported by the grenadiers, and se- 
cond battalion of guards, commanded by Brigadier general 0*Ha- 
ra. The yagers and light infantry, remained in a wood on the 
left of the ordnance, ready to act as circumstances might require. 

About two o'clock P. M. the attack began by a cannonade, which 
lasted about twenty minutes, when the action became general. 
The American forces under colonels Washington and Lee, were 
warmly engaged and did great execution. Colonel Tarleton's 
orders were to keep the cavalry con>pact, and not to charge 
without positive orders, except it was to protect any of the divi- 
sions ffom the most imminent danger of being defeated. The^ 



AMERICA. Ill 

woods were so thick, that the British could not make a free use of 
the ba^yonet. The second battalion of guards, were the first that 
gained the clear ground, near Guilford court-house, where was a 
corps of continental infantry, superior in number; these were 
formed in the open field, on the left of the road. Desirous of sig- 
nalizing themselves, they immediately attacked, and soon de- 
feated them, taking two six pounders; but as they pursue^ the 
Americans with too mu«h ardour to a wood, they were thrown 
into confusion by a heavy fire, and were instantly driven into the 
field, by colonel Washington's dragoons, who recovered the two 
six-pounders. The American cavalry were afterwards repulsed, 
and the two six-pounders again fell into the hands of the British. 

The British having broken the second Maryland regiment and 
turned the left flank of the Americans, got into the rear of the 
Virginia brigade, and were endeavouring to gain their right, 
which would have enclosed the whole of the* continental troops; 
a retreat was immediately ordered by general Greene, which 
was conducted with good order to Reedy-Fork river, and they 
crossed the ford about three miles from the field of action, where 
they halted. After the stragglers were collected, they retreated 
to the Iron-works about ten miles from Guilford, and encamped. 
The Americans lost their artillery and ammunition-wagons. 

The action lasted one hour and a half, in which short space, 
according to the account of lord Cornvvallis, (here were of the 
British five hundred and thirty -two killed, wounded, and taken 
prisoners. General Greena in his account to Congress, gives an 
account of no more than three hundred and twenty-nine killed, 
wounded and missing: but he gave no account of the militia, 
which was more than one hundred. Lieutenant-colonel Stewart 
was killed in the action, and lieutenant-colonel Webster; the cap- 
tains Schutz, Maynard and Goodriehe, died of the wounds they 
received, and the brigadier generals O'Hara and Howard, and 
colonel Tarleton were wounded. The principal officer among 
the Americans killed, was major Anderson, of the Maryland line, 
and generals Stephens and Huger, were wounded. 

Notwithstanding general Greene's defeat, he endeavoured to 
make some further attempts against the king's forces in South Car- 
olina. Lord Rawdon, an experienced and very gallant officer, 
was posted at Camden, with about eight hundred British troops 
and provincials. Greene appeared before that place on the 19tK 
of April, with a large body of continental troops, and militia. De- 
spairing of success, shoidd he attempt to storm the town, he 
therefore took such a position, as he imagined, would be likely to 
induce the enemy to make a sally from their works; when he 
thought he might attack them with advantage. Greene there- 
fore posted the Americans on an eminence, which was covered 
with wood, flanked on the left by an impassible swamp. 



im HISTORY OF 

On the morning of the twenty-fifth, lord Rawdon marched 
out of Camden, and attacked Greene in his camp, who was com- 
pelled to give way, after making a vigorous resistance : he had 
been in hopes of defeating the British, as he had chosen so advan- 
tageous a situation, and had a commanding superiority in point of 
number. The bravery of colonel Washington, was very conspicu- 
ous in this action ; he made two hundred of the English prisoners, 
besides ten or twelve officers, before he perceived the Americans 
were retreating. The British had about one hundred killed and 
wounded, upwards of one hundred of the Americans were taken 
prisoners; and according to general Greene's account, there 
were one hundred and twenty-six Americans killed and wound- 
ed. The British, it was said, continued the pursuit three miles. 

After this action, the Americans retreated to Rugely mills, 
twelve miles from Camden. Lord Rawdon soon after left that 
place, having lirst horned the jail, mills, and some private houses. 

Greene's next expedition was an attack upon Ninety Six, 
which he attempted to storm, but was repulsed with great bra- 
very ; he then retired with his army behind the Saluda river, a 
strong situation, about sixteen miles from Ninety six. About this 
time, major-general Phillips, and brigadier general Arnold, made 
some predatory excursions into Virginia and did considerable dam- 
age by destroying the American stores and magazines ; but the roy- 
al cause was not much becnefited by such a waste of property. 

LordCornwallis, after his victory over general Greene at Guil- 
fordj proceeded as aforesaid, to Wilmington 5 and on the twenti- 
eth of May, arrived at Petersburgh, in Virginia. On the six- 
teenth of June, 1781., about six miles from Williamsburg, lieuten- 
ant-colonel Simcoe, with about three hundred and fifty of the 
queen's rangers, and eighty yagers i:.ounted, were attacked by a 
much superior body of Americans whom the repulsed with great 
gallantry and success, making four officers, and twenty private 
men prisoners. The loss of the Americans in this action, is 
said to have been niore than one hundred and twenty. Of the 
.British only forty. 

On the sixth of July, an action took place near the Green 
Springs, in Virginia, between a reconnoitering party of Ameri- 
cans, under general Wayne, and a large party of the British army 
under lord Cornwallis, in which the Americans had one hundred 
and twenty-seven killed and wounded 5 and the loss of the roy- 
al troops is said to have been much greater. 

In a variety of skirmishes about this time, the marquis de la 
Fayette distinguished himself. On the 9th of September, general 
Greene defeated colonel Stuart, near the Eutaw Springs, in South 
Carolina : it was an obsiinate engagement, and lasted two hours. 

Lord Cornwallis now began to be sensible that his situation in 
Virginia was very critical 5 the reinforcementa and supplies bc-» 



AMERICA. 113 

iTig expected from Sir Henry Clinton (and without wdich he could 
not ensure himself success in his operations) had not arrived. 
General Washington's military movements were such as impress- 
ed on the mind of the British general, a fear that his designs 
were upon New York ; he therefore thought it too hazardous, to 
send any lar2;e body of troops to the assistance of his lordship. 

General Washington having thus, for a considerable time, kept 
Sir Henry Clinton in continual alarms, suddenly quitted his camp 
at the White Plains, crossed the Delaware, and marched towards 
Virginia, with the design of attacking lord Cornwallis. Sir Henry 
Clinton, about the same time, was informed that the count de 
Grasse with a large French fleet, was expected every moment in 
the Chesapeake, in order that he might co-operate with general 
AVashington. He immediately sent both by land and water, in- 
telligence to lord Cornwallis ; and also sent him assurances, that 
he would either reinforce him, or make the most eft'ectual diver- 
sion in his power. 

On the twenty-eighth of August, Sir Samuel Hood, with a squad- 
ron from the West Indies, joined the squadron under admiral 
Greaves, before New York. They immediately proceeded to the 
Chesapeake, where they arrived on the fifth of September, with 
nineteen ships of the line, when they found the count de Grasse 
anchored in the bay, with twenty-four ships of the line. The 
French admiral had previously landed a large body of troops who 
immediately marched to join the American army under general 
Washington. On the same day the two fleets came to an engage- 
ment ; on board the British fleet ninety were killed, and two hun- 
dred and forty-six wounded. Some of the ships were much dam- 
aged, and the Terrible, a 74 gun-ship, was so much shattered, 
that it was found most expedient to set her on fire. The two 
fleets continued in sight of each other for five dayg. 

At length the Fieneh fleet anchored within the Capes, so as to 
block up the passage. Admiral Greaves then held a council of 
war, in which it was resolved, that the fleet should proceed to 
New York, and the ships be put in the best state for service. Be- 
fore the news of this action had reached New York, a council of 
war was held there, in which it was resolved that five thousand 
men should be embarked in the king's ships, and proceed to the 
assistance of lord Cornwallis : but this resolution was rescinded, 
when it was kn'»%vn that the French were absolute masters of the 
Chesapeake. In another council it was resolved that, as lord 
Cornwallis had provisions to last him to the end of Ootober, it 
v/as most adviseable. to wait for fKearrival of admiral Digby, who 
was expected vviti'. tliree ships of the line. 

In the meantirne the m(5st effectual measures were adopted by 
general Washington for surrounding the British army under lord 
CDrawailis. A large body of French troops were under the coiu- 

Aa.2 



114 HISTORY OF 

mand of lieutenant-general the count tie Rochambeau, with a large 
train of artillery. The American forces were in number one 
thousand three hundred : eight hundred of whom were continental 
troops ; the whole under the command of general Washington, 

On the twenty-ninth of September, 1781, York Town in Vir- 
ginia was completely invef5ted, and the British army quite blocked 
up. The day following, Sir Henry Clinton wrote a letter to lord 
Cornwall is, containing assurances that he would do every thing 
that was in his power to relieve him, and some further information 
respecting the manner in which he intended to accomplish that 
relief. A duplicate of this letter was sent to lord Cornwaliis by 
major Cochran : that gentleman went in a vessel to the Capes, 
and made his way through the whole French fleet in an open boat. 
He got to York Town on the tenth of October, and the next day 
had his head taken off by a cannon ball, as he was walking by 
the side of lord Cornwaliis. The fate of this gallant officer drew 
tears from the eyes of his lordship. 

After the return of admiral Greaves to New York, a council of 
■».var was held, in which it was resolved, that a large body of troops 
should be embarked, and that exertions of both fleet and army 
should be made in order to form a junction with lord Cornwaliis. 

Sir Henry Clinton, himself, with seven thousand troops, went 
on board the fleet, on the eighteenth. They came abreast of 
Cape Charles, at the entrance of the Chesapeake, on the twenty- 
fourth, where they received intelligence that lord Cornwaliis Jiad 
been obliged to capitulate live days before. It was on the nine- 
teenth that his lordship surrendered himself and his whole army, 
by capitulation, prisoners to the combined armies of America and 
France. He made a defence worthy of his former fame for inili- 
tary achievements, but was compelled to submit by imperious ne- 
cessity, and superior numbers. The British prisoners amounted 
to upwards of six thousand, but many of them, at the time of sur- 
render, were incapable of duty. The prisoners, cannon, and 
inilitary stores, fell to the Americans, except the seamen, who, 
with the shipping, found they were, by the articles of capitulation, 
to be delivered up to the French. 

After this event the subjugation of the colonies was virtually 
<>iven up. Some inconsiderable skirmishes took place between 
the Refugees and the Americans, afterwards ; but were not of 
that importance as to merit a place in history. 

On the fifth of May, 1782, Sir Guy Carleton arrived at New 
York, being appointed to the command of the British troops in 
North America : soon after his arrival he wrote a letter to gene- 
ral Washington, informing him that admiral Digby, with himself, 
were appointed commissioners to treat for peace v\ith the people 
cf ^^merica. Another letter vt^as sent, dated the second of August, 
*Ed signed by Sir Ouy Carleton and adnjiiil Higby, in which 



AMERICA. 115 

they informed general Wash inj^ton, that neejociations for a gene- 
ral peace had commenced at Paris. Notwithstanding these fa- 
vorable appearances, the Americans were jealous that it was the 
design of the British court to disunite them, or induce them to 
treat of a peace separately from their ally, the king of France. 

Congress, therefore, passed a resolution : that any man or body 
of men, who should presume to make any separate treaty, partial 
convention, or agreement, with the king of Great Britain, or witk 
any commissioner or commissioners, under the crown of Great 
Britain, ought to be treated as open and avowed enemies of the 
United States of America, and that those States could not with 
propriety hold any conference or treaty with any commissioners 
on the part of Great Britain, unless they should, as a preliminary 
thereto, either withdraw their iieets and armies, or in express 
terms acknowledge the independence of the said States. On the 
thirtieth of November, ITS^sJ, the provincial articles of peace and 
reconciliation between Great Britain and the American States 
were signed at Paris; by which Great Britain acknowledged the 
Independence and sovereignty of the United States of America. 
These articles were ratified by a definitive treai;y, September the 
third, 1783. John Adams, Johii Jay, and Benjamin Franklin, 
Fsq'rs. were the gentlemen appointed by Congress to negociate 
this peace on the part of America; and two gentlemen, Oswald 
and Hartly, on the part of the British. It ought to be remarked 
here, and known to every American citizen, that France repeat- 
edly declared that her only view in assisting the Americans, was 
to diminish the power of Great Britain, and thereby promote her 
own interest ; that she officiously interfered in the proposed treaty 
between Spain and America, by her endeavours to circumscribe 
the latter within very narrow limits, proposing to deprive the 
Americans of the right of navigation on the Mississippi, &c. 

Thus ended a long and unnatural contest, in which Great Bri- 
tain expended many millions of pounds sterling, lost thousands 
of her bravest subjects, and won nothing. America obtained her 
Independence, at the expense of many thousands of lives and 
much treasure; and has suftered exceedingly in the religious and 
moral character of her citizens. 

The great influx of foreigners which poured into America from 
all quarters, disseminated their pernicious principles amonsjst the 
people. Infidelity spread like the plague through the different 
states, and threatens tRe subversion of those sober manners, and 
that love of order, which tlie christian religion inculcates. . 

The eighteenth of October, 1783, Congress issued a proclama- 
tion, in which the armies of the United States were applauded 
<'for haviog displayed, through the progress of an arduous and 
difficult war,* very military and patriotic virtue, and for -which 
the thanks of their country were given them/' Ti^^^J a^so declared 



116 HISTORY OF 

that such part of their armies as stood engaged to serve during 
the war, should from and after the third day of November, be dis- 
charged from the said service. The day preceding their dismis- 
sion, general Washington issr^ed his farewell orders. The evacu- 
ation of New York took place about three weeks after the Ame- 
rican army was discharged. For a twelve month preceding, there 
had been an unrestrained communication between that city, 
though a British garrison, and the adjacent country ; the bitter- 
ness of war had passed away, and civilities were freely exchang- 
ed between those who lately were engaged in deadly contests, 
and sought for all opportunities to destroy each other. 

As soon as the royal army was withdrawn, general Washing- 
ton and governor Clinton, with their suites, made a public entry 
into New York: a general joy was manifested by the citizens on 
their return to their habitations, and in the evening there was a dis- 
play of fire-works; they exceeded every thing of the kind which 
had been seen in America. General Washington, soon after, took 
leave of his officers, they having been previously assembled for that 
purpose. Calling for a glass ofwine he thus addressed them, "with 
ti heart full of love-and gratitude, I now take leave of you, I most 
devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and hap- 
py, as your former ones have been glorious and honourable." 

He afterwards took an affectionate leave of each of them ; when 
this aftecting scene was over, Washington left the room, and 
passed through the corps of light infantry, to the place of em- 
barkation ; as he entered the barge, to cross the North river, he 
turned to his companions in glory, and waved his hat, and took 
a silent adieu. The officers, who had followed him in mute pro- 
cession, answered his last signal with tears, and hung upon the 
barge which conveyed him from their sight, till they could no 
longer distinguish their beloved commander in chief. The gene- 
ral proceeded to Annapolis, the seat of congress, to resign his 
commission. Oji his way thither, he delivered to the comptroller 
ill Philadelphia, an account of ihe expenditure of all the public 
money he had ever received. This was in his own hand-writing, 
and every entry made in a very exact manner. The whole sum 
which passed through his hands during the war, amounted only 
to fourteen thousand four hundred and seventy-nine pounds 
eighteen shillings and nine pence, sterlingj no sum charged or 
retained for personal services. 

The day on which he resigned his commission, a great number 
of distinguished personages aaended the interesting scene. On 
the twenty-thii'd of December, 1783, he addressed the president, 
Thomas Mifflin, as follows: 

The great events on which my resignation depended, having 
at length taken place, I have now the honour of ofe ring my sincere 



AMERICA. 117 

fcdngratulations to congress, and of presenting myself before them 
to surrender intotheir hands, the trust conimitted to me, and to 
claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country. 

Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereign- 
ty, and pleased with the opportunity aftbrded the United States 
of ' ?coming a respectable nation, I resii^u with safisfaction the 
appointment I accepted with diffidence ; a diffidence in ray abilities 
to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded 
by a eonndence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the 
supreme power of the Union, and the patronage of Heaven. 

The successful termination of the war has verified the most 
sanguine expectations, and my gratitude for the interposition of 
providence, and the assistance I have received from my country- 
men, increases with every review of the momentous contest. 

While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, I shouW 
do injustice to my on feelings not to acknoM ledge, in this place, 
the peculiar services and distinguished merits, of the persons who 
have been attached to my person during the war ; it was impossible 
the choice of confidential officers to compose my family should have 
been more fortunate : permit me, sir, to recommend in particular 
those who have continued in the service to the present moment, 
as worthy of the favourable notice and patronage of congress. 

I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last solemn 
act of my official life, by commending the interest of our dearest 
country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who hav© 
the superintendance of them, to his holy keeping. 

Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the 
great theatre of action: and bidding an aftectionate farev/ell to 
this august body, under whose orders I have long acted, I here 
ofter my commission, and take my leave of all the employments 
of public life." 

To which the president made a suitable reply. The mingled 
emotions that agitated the minds of the spectators during this 
interesting and solemn scene, were beyond description. 

Immediately on resigning his commission, general Washington 
"hastened with ineftkble delights," (to use his own words) to his 
seat at Mount Vernon, on the banks of the Potomac, in Virginia. 

The country now free from foreign force and domestic violence, 
and in the enjoyment of general tranquility, a proposition was 
made by Virginia to all the other slates, to meet in convention, 
for the purpose of digesting a form of government; which finally 
issued in the establishment of a new constitution. Congress, 
which formerly consisted of one body, was made to consist of two : 
one of which was to be chosen by the people, in proportion to 
their numbers^ the other by the state legislatures. Warm and 
animating debates took place on the propriety of establishing or 
rejecting it. The ratification of it was celebrated in most of the, 
states with eleganf processions. 



il8 HISTORY OF 

The first congress under the new constitution met at New York, 
in April, 1789. Thou^ih there were a great diversity of opinions 
about the new constitution, all were of one mind who should be 
their chief executive officer. The people unanimously turned their 
eyes on the late commander in chief, as the most proper person 
to be their first president. Unambitious of any increase of hon- 
ours, he had- retired to his farm in Virginia, and hoped to be ex- 
cused from all further public service. But his country called him 
by an unanimous vote to fill the highest station in its gift. 

That pure and upright zeal for his country's welfare, which 
fcad'uniformly influenced him to devote his time and talents to 
its service, again influenced him io relinquish the more pleasing 
scenes of retirement, and induced him once more to engage in the 
important concerns of public life. The intelligence of his election 
was communicated to him while he was on his farm in Virginia; 
he soon after set out for New York : on his way thither, every 
expression of respect, that a greatful people could bestow, was 
shewn him. Gentlemen of the first character and station, attend- 
ed him from state to state. A day was fixed soon after his arrival 
at New York for his taking the oath of office. In the morning 
of the day appointed for this purpose, the clergy, of different de- 
nominations, assembled iheir congregations in their respective 
places of worship, and offered up prayers for the president and 
people of the United States. About noon, a procession, followed 
by a Uiultitude of citizens, moved from the president's house to 
Federal Hall. When they came within a short distance of the 
hall, the troops formed a line on both sides of the way, through 
"which the president and vice-president, John Adams, passed into 
the senate chamber. Immediately after, accompanied by both 
houses, he went into the gallery fronting Broad street, and be- 
fore them and an immense crowd of spectators, took the oath 
prescribed by th econstitution : which was administered by|R. R. 
Livingston, the chancellor of the state of New York. 

During the performance of this ceremony, an awful silence 
prevailed. The chancellor then proclaimed him. President of the 
United States of ^America. This was announced by the discharge 
of thirteen guns, and by the joyful acclamations of near ten 
thousand citizens. He then retired to the senate chamber, where 
he delivered a speech to both houses •* near the conclusion of 
vhich he renounced all pecuniary compensation. 

This memorable day completed the organization of the new 
constitution. The experience of former ages, as well as of later 
times, has given many melancholy and fatal proofs, that popular 
governments have seldom answered in practice. The inhabitants 
of the United States are now making the experiment. That they 
may succeed in asserting the dignity of human nafure, and a ca- 
pacity for self government, is devoutly to be wished. 



AMERICA. 119 

The appointment of general Washington to the presidency of 
the United States, was peculiarly fortunate; he possessed such a 
commanding influence in the minds of the great bulk of the peo- 
ple, arising from a sure and well placed confidence in his patri- 
otism and integrity ; that they, with cheerfulness, acquiesced in 
all his measures for the public welfare; and notwithstanding, 
that during his administration, Great Britain and France were 
involved in a ruinous war, and there were many partizans in 
America, in favour of the latter, and would gladly nave made a 
common cause with her against Great Britain ; yet his firmness 
and sagacity, prevented the threatened evil, though they were 
encouraged by Genet, the ambassador from France, who openly 
and in defiance of the government of the United States, attempt- 
ed to commission American citizens to arm and fit out vessels, 
to cruise against British subjects. The president's proclamation, 
enjoining a strict neutrality, was sanctioned by the great body of 
the people ; and the insolent ravings of Genet were taken no 
further notice of, than to furnish the different states with a fresh 
opportunity of expressing their continued approbation and con- 
fidence, in his political measures. 

When the term of his appointment as president had expired, 
he intimated to his friends, his intention to return once more to 
his loved retirement; he had even contemplated his farewell ad- 
dress, and was preparing to retire trom the weight of public cares, 
when his countrymen, apprehensive for the public safety, in so 
critical a moment, united to implore him to desist from a resolu- 
tion so alarming to their fears. Their interposition prevailed, and 
he again entered upon the arfj^uous task, to the manifest satisfac- 
tion of every honest American ; but what made the ta;^ sit more 
easy upon him, was the assistance of eminent men in the execu- 
tive department. The names of Adams, Hamilton, Pickering, 
Wollcott, and others, are names which will long be remembered 
with gratitude by posterity, when the envenomed tongue of 
detraction will be forgotten. In 1796, in the month of September, 
a new election was to take place, when the public was anxiously 
desirous, that general Washington would agam accept the first* 
office in their gift; but his unalterable resolution was taken, to 
recede from the toils of state. His farewell address, contains such 
prudent and sound advice to his fellow-citizens, as shews that 
his country's welfare was still dear to his heart. 

^'Friends and Fellow -citizens, 

^* The period for anew ele^'tion of a citizen to administer th^ 
executive government of the United Srates, being not far distant, , 
and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be em- 
ployed in designating the person, who is to be cloihed with that im» 
^ortaat tcust; it appears to me proper, especially as it may coaducQ^ 






t 



3^20 HISTORY OF 

to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I shou'u now 
appri-e J ou of the i ^solution I have formed, to dpcline bciug consid- 
ered amona: the nuiaber of those, out of whom a choice is to be made. 

1 begjcu, ut the sauu; time-, to do me the justice to be assured, 
that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to 
all the considerations appertaining to tht' relation which binds a 
dutiful citizen to his country ; and that, in withdrawing the tender 
of service which silence in my situation ii>i^ht imply, I am influ- 
enced by no diminution of zeal for yeut future interest; no defi- 
ciency of grateful respect for your past kindnesses ; but am sup- 
ported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.^X 

The aceepiance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to Jj 
which your suffrages have twice called me, have been an uniform 
sacrifice of inclin«tion to the opinion of duty, and to a deference 
for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it 
would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with mo- 
tives, which 1 was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that re- 
tirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength 
of my inclination to this, previous to the last election, had even 
led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but ma- 
ture reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our 
affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons 
entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. 

I rejoice, that the state of our concerns, external as well as in^ 
ternal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible 
with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, 
whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the 
present circumstances of our cour^y, you will not disapprove ., 
my determination to retire. i 

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, *' 
were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this 
trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed 
towards the organization and administration of the government, 
with the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was ca- 
pable. Not uncojiscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my 
qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in 
the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diflideucc of 
myself; and every (jay the encreasing weight of years admonishes 
me raoire and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary 
to me, as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances 
have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporatry ; 
I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence 
invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. 

In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to termi- 
nate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to 
suspend the deep acknovdedgment of that debt of gratitude which I 
£we to my beloved couatry, for the many hoaoBirs it has conferred 



AMERICA; 121 

upon me ; stiil more for the stedfasi confidence "with which it has 
supported me ; ahd for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of 
manifesting my inviolable atfachment, by services faithful and 
persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits 
have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be 
remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our 
annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in 
every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances some* 
times dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situa- 
tions in which, not unfrequently, want of success has countenanc- 
ed the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the 
essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which 
they were effected. ...Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall 
carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement io unceasing 
vows, that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its 
beneficence ; that your union and brotherly affection my be per- 
petual ; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands^ 
may be sacredly maintained : that its administration in every de- 
partment may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, 
the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of 
liberty, may he made complete, by so careful a preservation, and 
so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory 
of recommending it to applause, the affection and adoption of eve- 
ry nation which is yet a stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, 1 ought to stop; but a solicitude for your weF- 
fare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of 
danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the 
present, to offer to your solemn contemplations, and to recommend 
to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of 
much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which ap- 
pear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a 
people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as 
you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting 
friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his coun- 
sel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent 
reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your 
hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify op 
confirm the attachment. 

The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is 
also now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the 
edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility 
at home, your peace abroad: of your safety; of your prosperity; 
of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to 
foresee, that from different causes, and from different quarters^ 
much pains will be tbJken, many artifices employed, to weaken in 
your miads the wmviction of this truth; as this is the point ih 

Bb 



122 HISTORY OF 

your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and 
external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though 
often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, 
that you should properly estimate the immense value of your na- 
tional union, to your collective and individual happiness ; that you 
should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment to 
it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the pal- 
ladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its 
preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever 
may sujrgest even a suspicion that it can in an event be abandoned ; 
and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt 
to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfee- 
ble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. 

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. 
Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has 
a riglit to concentrate your affections. The name of *^merican, 
which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt 
the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived 
from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you 
have the same religion, manners, habits, and poliiical principles. 
You have in a common cause fought and tiiumphed together: the 
independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint coun- 
cils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes. 
But these considerations, however powerfully they address 
themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those 
which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every por- 
tion of our country finds the most commanding raOiives for care- 
fully s;uarding and preserving the union of the whole. 

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse w ith the South, pro- 
tected by the equal laws of a common i^overnment, finds in the 
productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime 
and commercial enterprise, a*nd precious materials of manufac- 
turing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefitting 
by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow, and its 
commerce expand. Turning; partly into its own channels the 
seair.en of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigo- 
rated ; and while it contributes in diff'erent ways, to nourish and 
increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks for- 
ward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is 
unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the 
West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of inte- 
rior communications, by land and water, will more and more find 
a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, 
or manufactures at home. The West derives fron> the East, sup- 
plies requisite to its growth and comfort; and wh?.t is perhaps of 
still greaier consequence, it must of necessity owt the secure en- 
joyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the 



AMERICA. 123 

weight, influence, and the future mariiinie strength of the Atlantic 
side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of in- 
terest as one nation.... Any other tenure by which the West can 
hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own sepa- 
rate strength, orfroin an apostate and unnatural connexion with 
any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. 

While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate 
and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot 
fail to tind in the united mass of means and eftorts, greater 
strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from 
external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by 
foreign nations; and what is of inestimable value! they must de- 
rive from Union an exemption from those brtdls and wars between 
themselves, which so frequently atlliet neighbouring countries, 
not tied together by the same government; which their own ri- 
valships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite 
foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues would stimulate and 
embitter.. ..Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those 
over-grown military establishments, which under any form of go- 
vernment are inauspicious to liberty, and wliich are to be regard- 
ed as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty ; in this sense, 
it is that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of 
your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you 
the preservation of the other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive language to every re- 
flecting and virtuous mind, apd exhibit the continuance of the 

Union as a primary object of patriotic desire Is there a doubt 

whether a common gavernment can embrace so large a sphere ? 
Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in sueh a 
case were criminal. We are authorised to hope that a proper or- 
ganization of the vvhole, with the auxiliary agency of governments 
for the respective sub-divisions, will afford a happy issue to the 
experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. ^Vith 
such powerful and obvi »us motives (o Union, atteciing all parts of 
our country, while experience shall uoi have detnonstrated its im- 
practicability, th%re will aUva^s be rea-ion to distrust the patriotism 
of those, who, in any quarter, may endeavour to weaken its bands. 

In contemplating tliC causes which may disturb our union, it oc- 
curs as matters ol" serious concern, that any 2;round should have 
been furnished for characterising parties by Geographical discri- 
minations, '^ JS'art/iern and Southern, Jlttantic and iVetdern ;'^'* 
whence desiging men may endeavour to excite a belief, that 
there is a real dilVerence of local interest and views. One of the 
expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, 
is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You 
cannotshieldyourselvestoo much against the jealousies and heart- 
b^'inings, which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend 



134 HISTORY OF 

Id render alien to each other those who ought to be bound togeth- 
er by frdternar affection. The inhabitants of our western coun- 
try have lately had an useful lesson on this hear) ; they have seen 
in the negociation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratifi- 
cation by the senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal 
satisfaction at that event, throug;hout the United States, a deci- 
sive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among 
them, of the policy in the general government and in the Atlantic 
states unfriendly to their interests, in regard to the Mississippi : 
they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that 
with Gteat Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them 
€very thing thty could desire, in respee? to our foreign relations, 
towards confirming their prt»sperity. Will it not be their v/isdom 
to rely for the preservation of iheHC advantages on the Union^ by 
-which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to 
those advisers, if sueh there are, who would sever them from 
their brethren, and connect them with aliens? 

To the efficacy aind permaneney of your union, a government 
for the whole is indispensible.- — No alliances, however strict, be- 
tween the parts, can bean adequate substitute; they must inevit- 
ably experience the infractions and interruptions, which ail alli- 
ances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible of this moment- 
ous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adop- 
tion of a eonstitution of government, better calculated than your 
ibrmer, for an intimate union, and fer the efficatious management 
of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our 
own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investi- 
gation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, 
m the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, 
and containing, within itself, a provision for its own amendment, 
has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for 
its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its mea- 
sures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true 
Liberty. The basis of our political system is the right of the peo- 
ple to make and to alter their constitution of government; but, 
the constitution which at any lime exists, till changed by an ex- 
plicit and authentic aet of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory 
upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the peo- 
ple to establish government, pre supposes the duty of every indi- 
vidual to obey the established government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations 
and associations, under whatever plausible character, with real 
design to direct, control, counteract, or awe, the regular delib- 
erations and actions of the constituted authorities, are destructive 
of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve 
to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force ; 
to put in the place of the delegated will of the natioflj the wili of a 



AMERICA. H5 

party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the 
community; and according to the alternate trium phs of ditFer* 
ent parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the 
ill concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the 
organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by commoii 
councils, and modified by mutual interests. 

However combinations or associations of the above description, 
may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the 
course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which 
cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men, will be enabled to 
subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves Ihe 
reigns of government: destroying, afterwards, the very engines 
which lifted them to unjust dominion. 

Towards the preservation of your government, and the perma- 
nency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you 
steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged 
authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innova- 
tion upon its principles, however spacious the pretexts. One me- 
thod of assault may be to effect in the tbrms of the constitution, al- 
terations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to 
undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes 
to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are 
at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as 
of other human institutions ; ^t experience is the surest standard 
by which to test the real tencrocy of the existing constitution of a 
country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypo- 
thesis and opinion, and remember, especially, that fur the effi- 
cient management of your common interest, in a country so ex- 
tensive as ours, a government of as much vigour as is consistent 
with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensible. Liberty 
itself will find in such a government, with powers properly dis- 
tributed and adjusted, its ssurest guardian. It is indeed little else 
than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the 
enterprises of faction, to coufine each member of the society within 
the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure 
and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. 

I have already intimated to you, the danger of parties in the 
state, with a particular reference to the founding of them on geo- 
graphical discriminations. Let me now take a more coinprehen- 
sive view, and warn you, in the most solemn manner, against 
the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. 

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, hav- 
ing its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists 
under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, 
controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form, ii is 
seen in the greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. 

The alternate dominion of one faction over another, .sharn^^rx- 

Bb-2 



126 HISTORY OF 

ed by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissention, which, ii^ 
different ages and countries, has perpetrated the most horrid en- 
ormilies, is itself a frightful despotism. ...But this leads at length 
to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and 
miseries which generally result, gradually incline the minds of men 
to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual : 
and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able 
or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to 
the purpose of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty. 

Without looking forsvard to an extremity of this kind, (which 
nevertheless ouj^ht not to be entirely out of sight) the common and 
continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it 
the interest and dutyofa^ise people to discourage and restrain it. 

it serves always io distract the public councils, and enfeeble the 
public administration. It agjitaies the community with ill-founded 
jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one party 
against another; foments, occasionally* riot and insurrection. It 
opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which lind a- 
facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels of 
party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are 
subjected to the policy atal will of another. 

There is an opinion, that parties in free countries arc useful 
checks upon the adminis ration of the governrnent, and serve to 
keep alive the spi«it of liberty, 'l^ig, within certain limits, is 
probably true; and in govern menip^' a monarchical cast, patri- 
otism may look with indulgence, iSiot with favour, upon ihe spi- 
rit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments 
purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their 
natural tendency, it is certain there will al'Aays be enough of that 
spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant dan- 
ger ot excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, 
to mitigate and assuage it. A tire not to be quenched ; it demands 
an uniform vigtlaace to prevent ils bursting into a flame, lest in- ■■. 
stead of vvaroiiiig, it should consume. 

It is important, likewi.-e, that the habits of thinking in a free 
country should inspire caution, in those entrusted with its admi- 
nistration, to confine themselves within their respective consti- 
tutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one 
departmentto encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment 
tends to consolidate the powers ot all the departments in one, and 
thus, to create, whatever the form of government, a real despot- 
ism. A jiist estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse 
it^ which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy 
us of the truth of thi» position. 'Ihe necessity of recij)rocal checks 
in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it 
Into diilei ent depositories, and constituting each the guardian of 
;he DublJc weu.' sjri.inst invasions by ihe others, has been evinced 



AMERICA. 127 

by experiment ancient and modern ; somcof them.in our country 
and under our oivn eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary 
as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribu- 
tion or modification of the constitutional powers he in any particu- 
lar wrong;, let it be corrected by an amendment, in. a way which 
the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usur- 
pation ; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of 
good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are 
destroyed. The precedent must alwaj'S greatly overbalance in 
permanent evil, and partial or transient benefit, which the use can 
at any time yield. 

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political pros- 
perity. Religion and Morality are indispensible supports. In vaia 
would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour 
to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest 
props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, 
equally wifh the pious man, oughl to respect and cherish them. 
A volunie could not trace all their connexions with private and 
public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for 
property, for reputation, tor life, if the sense of religious ooligation 
desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investi^j^ation in 
courts of justice ? And let us with caution indulge tl»e supposition, 
that morality can be Uiaijitained without religion. Whatever may 
be conceded to the influence of refined education on mimls of pe- 
culiar stiuciure, reason and experience both lorbid us to expect that 
national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. 

It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary 
spring of popular governrr'ent. The rule indeed extends with more 
or less force to every species of free goverunient. Who tiiat is a 
sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to 
shake the foundation of tho fabric ? 

Pr<»mote, then, as an object ol primary importance, institutions 
for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the struc- 
ture of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essen- 
tial that public opinion should be enlightened. 

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish 
public credit. One n^ethod of preserving it, is to use it as spar- 
ingly as possible ; avoiding the occasions of expense \y cultivatino* 
peace : but remembering also, Jhat timely disbursements to pre- 
pare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disburseu)ents 
to repel it; avoiding; likewise the ac<umulation of debt, not only 
by shunning occasions of expense, but by vij^oious exertions in 
time of peace, to discharge the debts whici) unavoidable wars may 
have occasioned; not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the 
burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these 
maxims belongs to our representatives ; but it is necessary that 
public opinion should co-operate* 



128 HISTORY OF 

To facilitate to them the performance of the'ir duty, it is essen- 
tial that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the pay- 
ment of debts there must be revenue ; that to have revenue, there 
must be taxes ; that no taxes can be devised that are not more or 
Jess inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic embarrass- 
ment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects, (which 
is always a choice for difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive, for 
candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, 
and for the spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining 
revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. 

Observe good liiith and justice towards all nations ; cultivate 
peace and harmony with ail ; religion and morality enjoin this 
conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? 
It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, 
a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too no- 
vel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and 
benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things, 
the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary ad- 
vantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it r....Can 
it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity 
of a nation with its virtues ? The experiment at least, is recom- 
mended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. ...Alas I 
is it rendered impossible by its vices ? 

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than 
that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, 
and passionate attachments fur oihers, should be excluded ; and 
that in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should 
be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an 
habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. 
It is a slave to its animosity or its affection, either of which is 
sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy- 
in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer 
insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of unibrag*e, and to 
by haughty and untractable, when accidental or trifling occasions 
of dispute occur. 

Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody- 
contests. ..The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, some 
times impels the government to war, contrary to the best calcula- 
tions of policy. The government sometimes participates in the na- 
tional propensity, and adopts through passion, what reason would 
reject; at olher times it makes the animosity of the nation sub- 
servient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and 
other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, some- 
times perhaps the liberty of naiions has been the victim. 

So iJkev^ise a passionate attachment of one nation for another, 
produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favourite nation, 
facilitating the iliusioa of an imaginary cprnmon interest, in cases 



I 



AMERICA. 129 

^here no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the 
enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the 
quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or 
justification. It leads also to concessions to the favourite nation of 
privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure tlie na- 
tion making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what 
ought to have been retained ; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will and 
a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privi- 
leges arc withheld : and if gives to ambitious, corrupted, or de- 
luded citizens, who devote themselves to the favourite nation, faci- 
lity to betray or sacrifice the interest of their own country, without 
odium, sometimes even with popularity ; gilding with the appear- 
ances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference 
for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or 
foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. 

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such 
attachments are particularly alarming, to the enlightened and 
independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to 
tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, 
to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils ! 
Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and pow- 
erful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the other. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to 
believe me, fellovv citizens) thejealousy of a free people ought to 
be constantly awake ; since history and experience prove, that 
foreign iufluenee is one of the most baneful foes of republican gov- 
ernment. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else 
it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, in- 
stead of a defence against it Excessive partiality for one foreign 
nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they 
actuate to see the danger only on one side, and serve to veil and 
even to second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, 
who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become 
suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes, usurp the ap- 
plause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is 
in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little 
jwlitical connexion as possible. So far as we have already form- 
ed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith..,. 
Here let us stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, 
or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in fre- 
quent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign 
to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to im- 
plicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in ordinary vicissitudes 
of her politics, or the ordinary combinations or collisions of he? 
friendships^ or eamities^ 



ISO HISTORY OF 

Our detached and distant situation, invites and enables us to 
pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an effi- 
cient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy 
material injury, from external annoyance ; when we may take 
such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time 
resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when belligerent na- 
tions under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will 
not lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may choose 
peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall e -insel. 

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why 
quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweav- 
ing our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our 
peace and prosperity in the toils of European ami)ition,^rivalship, 
interest, humour, or caprice ? 

'Tia our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with 
any portion of the foreign world ; so far, 1 mean, as we are now 
at liberty to do it : for let me not be understood as capable of 
patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. 1 hold the maxim 
no less applicable to public than private affairs, that honesty is 
always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engage- 
ments be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, 
it is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to extend them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establish- 
ments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust 
to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. 

Harmony and liberal intercourse with all nations, are recom- 
mended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our com- 
mercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither 
seeking or granting exclusive favours or preferences ; consulting 
the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying, by gentle 
means, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establish- j 
ing, with powers so disposed, in order togive trade a stable course, 
to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the govern- 
ment to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best 
that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but 
temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or va- 
ried, as experience and circumstances shall dictate ; constantly 
keeping in view, that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinter- 
ested favours from another ; that it must pay with a portion of 
its independence, for whatever it may accept under that charac- 
ter ; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition , 
of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being 
reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be 
no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favours 
from nation to nation. ' Tis an illusion which experience must 
cure, which a just pride ought to discard. 

in offering to you my countrymen, these counsels of an old and 



AMERICA. 131 

affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and 
casting impression I could wish ; that they will control the usual 
current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the 
course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations : But, if 
I may even flatter myself, that they maybe productive of some par- 
tial bent-fit, some occasional good ; that they may now and then 
recur to them, to moderate the fury of party -spirit, to warn against 
the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures 
of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a full recompense for 
the solicitude of your welfare, by which they have been dictated. 

II(!V far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been 
guided by the principles that have been delineated, the public 
recordi^ and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you 
and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience 
is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. 

In relation to the still-subsisting war in Kiivope, my proclama- 
tion of the twenty-second of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. 
Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Repre- 
sentatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure 
has continually governed me 5 uninfluenced by any attempts 
to deter or divert me from it. 

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I 
could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all die 
circumstances of the case, had a right to take and was bound in 
duty and interest, to take a neutral position. Having taken it, I 
determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, 
with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. 

The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, 
it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, 
that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so 
far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been 
virtually admitted by all. 

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without 
any thing more, from the obligations which justice and humanity 
impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to main- 
tain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other na- 
tions. 

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct, will 
best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With 
me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time 
to our country, to settle and mature its yet recent inst.ituii,>ns, 
and to progress without interruption, to that degree of strength 
and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, 
the command of its own fortunes. 

Though in revie\\ing the incidents of my administration, I ani 
unconscious of witentional error: 1 am, nevertheless, too sensible 
of n^^efects nft to thiiLit probable that I may ha^Lexpnurilled 



^32 HISTOHY OF AMERICA: 

many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently leseech the 
^^Iniiffhty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. 
I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never 
cease to view them with indulgence ; and that after forty five 
years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, 
the faults of incompetent abilities will he consigned to oblivion, as 
w.yself must soon, be to the mansions of rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this, as in other things, and actuated 
by that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man, who 
views in it the natural soil of himself and his progenitors for 
•everal generations, I anticipate, with pleasing expectation, that 
retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the 
sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, 
the benign influence of good laws under a free government; the 
ever favourite object of n.y heart, and the happy reward, as I 
trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers." 

He resigned with pleasure, the seat he had filled with so much 
honour and applause, to his successor, and retired to his farm at 
Mount Vernon, where he remained tranq uilly in possession of those 
rural delights which were mos^ congenial to his natural inclination. 

While he was thus peacefully enjoying the evening of life, he 
tvas again supplicated to assist his country. The insults and 
aggressions received from France threatened an appeal to arms. 
All eyes were upon the late commander in chief, as the only 
person that ought lo be trusted with the command of the army. 
He felt himself implicated as an American, in the national honour, 
and accepted of the important charge. 

This was the last official act, of this Father of his country. On 
the fourteenth of December, 1799, he departed this life, at his 
seat at Mount Vernon, in the sixty-eighth year of his age, after 
baving reaped a full harvest of glory. 

General Washington was about six feet in height, his eyes were ^ 
grey but full of animation : his countenance serene and expres-' 
give, not exposed to the frequent indulgence of mirth : his limbs 
muscular and well proportioned. Majestic and solemn in his 
deportment. It has been asserted that he never was seen to 
smile during the revolutionary war. He generally expressed 
himself uith perspicuity and diffidence, but seldom used more 
\vords than were necessary for the elucidating of his opinion. 
He had the urbanity of a gentleman, without the pageantry of 
pride ; he qualified denials in so kind a manner, that a disap- 
jKvintment tarried no sting along with it. Such was the great 
ys ashingtoB i Where will America find his equal i 



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